Uwazi

Former MNA and Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement leader Ali Wazir was arrested in Dera Ismail Khan, sources said here on Tuesday.

He was picked when he was coming to Dera from Quetta in a private car.

According to the sources, PTM leader Ali Wazir was arrested near the Darazinda tribal subdivision. He was arrested by the Daraban police.

When contacted, Daraban SHO denied having arrested Mr Wazir.

However, the sources said the former MNA was currently in the custody of Daraban police.

It should be noted that several cases have been registered against Mr Wazir in different police stations, pertaining to making speeches against state institutions and incendiary statements.

Meanwhile, responding to the arrest, PTM chairman Maznoor Ahmad Pashteen said Mr Wazir was in the custody by DI Khan police, but they were denying his arrest.

“There is no FIR registered against Ali Wazir in Dera, and he has also obtained protective bail from the Peshawar High Court in rest of the FIRs registered against him,” he added.

The Almaty City Court on November 10 rejected the appeals of five activists against prison terms they were handed in July after a lower court found them guilty of "organizing mass unrest at Almaty airport" during unprecedented anti-government protests in January 2022 that turned deadly. Noted civil rights activist Aigerim Tileuzhanova was sentenced to four years in prison, while the other activists, all men, received eight years in prison each. Some were also charged with storming a building, vehicle hijacking, and robbery. All have denied wrongdoing, saying they did not commit any crimes while taking part in the demonstration.

The independent Kloop website's Kyrgyz-language pages (ky.kloop.asia) have been blocked in Kyrgyzstan after its Russian site was blocked in September amid ongoing pressure on the owner, the Kloop Media Public Foundation.

The Central Asian nation's Culture Ministry blocked Kloop's Kyrgyz site after the State Committee of National Security (UKMK) again claimed the media outlet distributed false information, Kloop said on November 9.

The claim was about a report that appeared on Kloop's website in September about jailed opposition politician Ravshan Jeenbekov and a statement he made saying that he was tortured while in custody.

Several Internet providers in the former Soviet republic blocked Kloop's site in Russian before the story ran. The Bishkek city Prosecutor's Office then initiated legal proceedings against the Kloop Media Public Foundation to suspend its work in Kyrgyzstan because of the critical coverage of the government by its media outlet.

The Culture Ministry also demanded Kloop remove an article about the alleged torture of Jeenbekov from its site in Russian.

On September 12, Kloop published an article refusing to remove the material, saying the story in question attributed all information about the situation faced by Jeenbekov while in custody to actual individuals and sources.

Kloop said at the time that it was officially informed of the lawsuit against it and the move followed an audit by the UKMK that determined its "published materials are aimed at sharply criticizing the policies of the current government" and that "most of the publications are purely negative, aimed at discrediting representatives of state and municipal bodies."

Established in June 2007, Kloop is a Kyrgyz news website (kloop.kg) most of whose contributors are students and graduates of the Kloop Media Public Foundation School of Journalism. As an independent media entity, it is known for publishing reports on corruption within various governmental bodies and providing training to Central Asian journalists in fact-checking and investigative techniques.

RFE/RL's Kyrgyz Service, known as Radio Azattyk, Kloop, and the Center for Corruption and Organized Crime Research (OCCRP) have collaborated on a series of investigations concerning corruption in Kyrgyzstan.

Kyrgyzstan's civil society and free press have traditionally been the most vibrant in Central Asia. But that has changed amid a deepening government crackdown.

Kyrgyz authorities blocked Radio Azattyk's websites in Kyrgyz and Russian in late October 2022 after it refused to take down a video, which was produced by Current Time, a Russian-language network run by RFE/RL in cooperation with Voice of America.

Officials of the Central Asian state claimed that the authors of the video "predominantly" took the position of the Tajik side. RFE/RL rejected the accusation saying the broadcaster "takes our commitment to balanced reporting seriously" and that after a review of the content in question, "no violation of our standards" was found.

In July, the Bishkek court annulled the decision that shut down RFE/RL's operations in Kyrgyzstan.

Bangladesh police fired rubber bullets and tear gas Thursday, officials and witnesses said, as violence broke out at a protest by garment workers who rejected a government-offered pay raise.

A government-appointed panel raised wages on Tuesday by 56.25 percent for the South Asian nation's 4 million garment factory workers, who are seeking a near-tripling of their monthly wage.

Bangladesh's 3,500 garment factories account for around 85 percent of its $55 billion in annual exports, supplying many of the world's top brands including Levi's, Zara and H&M.

But conditions are dire for many of the sector's four million workers, the vast majority of whom are women whose monthly pay starts at 8,300 taka ($75).

Police said violence broke out in the industrial city of Gazipur, outside the capital Dhaka, after more than 1,000 workers staged a protest on a highway to reject the panel's offer.

"The workers tried to block the road... and we had to fire tear (gas) shells and rubber bullets to disperse them," Ashok Kumar Pal Gazipur deputy police chief told an AFP reporter at the scene who witnessed the incident.

Police said workers also threw bricks and stones at officers and lit fires on roads. The workers are seeking an increase to 23,000 taka ($208) and unions representing them have rejected the panel's increase as "farcical."

Several thousand workers also left factories in Ashulia, a northern Dhaka suburb, police said.

Police have said at least three workers have been killed since the wage protests broke out in key industrial towns last week, including a 23-year-old woman shot dead on Wednesday.

At least five police officers have also been injured in the protests in which thousands have taken to the streets.

Unions say the panel's wage increase fails to match soaring prices of food, house rents and schooling and healthcare costs.

They have also accused the government and police of arresting and intimidating organizers.

"Police arrested Mohammad Jewel Miya, one of the organizers of our unions. A grass-roots leader... was also arrested," Rashedul Alam Raju, the general secretary of the Bangladesh Independent Garment Workers Federation, told AFP.

Another union leader, speaking on condition of anonymity, said unions were being threatened by police to call off the protests and accept the wage offer.

"At least six grass-roots unionists have been arrested," the union leader said. There was no immediate comment from police about the arrests.

The United States has condemned violence against protesting Bangladeshi garment workers and "the criminalization of legitimate worker and trade union activities."

In a statement, State Department spokesman Matthew Miller urged the panel "to revisit the minimum wage decision to ensure that it addresses the growing economic pressures faced by workers and their families."

The Netherlands-based Clean Clothes Campaign, a textile workers' rights group, has also dismissed the new pay level as a "poverty wage."

The minimum wage is fixed by a state-appointed board that includes representatives from the manufacturers, unions and wage experts.

Suspended lawyer M. Ravi was sentenced to 21 days’ jail on Wednesday for a series of acts of contempt before two different judges in separate courtroom incidents in November 2021.

He had repeatedly accused Justice Audrey Lim of being “biased”, interrupted her, and told her not to be rude. This took place while he was acting for former SBS Transit bus driver Chua Qwong Meng in a High Court suit against the public transport operator.

He had also accused District Judge Chay Yuen Fatt of being biased after an exchange over why Ravi had been scheduled for two trials in the same morning. This happened during a criminal case in the State Courts involving Magendran Muniandy, a Malaysian, who was accused of forging various documents.

On March 31, 2023, Justice Hoo Sheau Peng had found Ravi liable for nine instances of contempt.

His main defence was that he was suffering a relapse of his bipolar disorder at the time. He admitted that he had forgotten “to take medications on some days”.

In sentencing him on Wednesday, Justice Hoo said the relapse did not significantly impair his ability to exercise self-control and restraint, and she therefore gave only moderate mitigating weight to his condition.

The judge said it was “highly reprehensible” that Ravi committed the long string of contemptuous acts while acting for clients in two sets of proceedings.

“Despite being aware of his mental condition, Mr Ravi did little to guard against or manage the effects of his bipolar disorder while discharging his duties and responsibilities as a lawyer. In particular, Mr Ravi was non-compliant with his medication regime,” she said.

Justice Hoo said it was clear that the sanctions previously imposed on Ravi for similar misconduct in the courtroom in past disciplinary proceedings have not deterred him.

“Unfortunately, Mr Ravi has not learnt from the previous chances accorded to him, and he has not shown remorse for his actions, giving rise to these proceedings.”

He started serving the sentence immediately. This was his first time being charged with and convicted of contempt of court, although he has previously been suspended or ordered to pay financial penalties in disciplinary proceedings for misconduct towards judges.

On Nov 8, 2021, Ravi appeared before Judge Chay to take over from Magendran’s previous lawyer, and told the judge that the trial could start the next day as scheduled.

Shortly after, Ravi appeared before another judge for an unrelated criminal case and confirmed that he was representing one of the accused persons for that trial.

On the morning of Nov 9, 2021, he did not turn up before Judge Chay, and instead appeared before the other judge. He appeared before Judge Chay later in the morning and applied to adjourn Magendran’s case.

After an exchange on why the lawyer had been “double fixed” for two trials, Ravi accused Judge Chay of being “biased” against him. He also interrupted Judge Chay when the judge was speaking to Magendran. The matter was adjourned to the next day.

On Nov 10, Judge Chay dismissed Ravi’s application for the case to be referred to the High Court. Ravi then alleged that the judge was “in contempt of court”, left the courtroom and did not return.

Magendran told the judge he was prepared to represent himself.

On Nov 22, Ravi appeared before Justice Lim as Mr Chua’s lawyer on the first day of trial, while Senior Counsel Davinder Singh acted for SBS.

Justice Lim gave directions on the arrangements for the cross-examination of Mr Chua, who was to testify remotely from Ravi’s office.

Ravi then accused her of being “biased” and alleged that she was siding with Mr Singh.

He applied for Justice Lim to disqualify herself, but she rejected the application.

During the hearing, he stated that Justice Lim was an “interrogator”, alleged that the judge’s directions in relation to the cross-examination were “against the international human rights law”, and told her “don’t be rude”.

He also interrupted the judge when she was trying to have the court interpreter explain to Mr Chua what was going on. Ravi then told the judge that both he and Mr Chua would no longer participate in the proceedings.

That afternoon, the court registry received a letter from Mr Chua stating that he was discharging Ravi as his counsel and wanted to hire a new lawyer to continue with the case before Justice Lim.

In March 2023, Ravi was handed the maximum suspension of five years for making “baseless and grave” allegations against the Attorney-General, prosecutors and the Law Society.

Kazakh rights activist Sanavar Zakirova told RFE/RL on November 8 that an Astana court sentenced her to 15 days in jail for "online calls for unsanctioned rallies." The charge stems from a Facebook post last month calling for a protest rally. Zakirova insists that she was tagged in the post but did not write it. Another activist, Makhabbat Qusaiynova, told the court that she authored the post, but the judge ignored her statement. Zakirova, an outspoken critic of the government, has been sentenced to several jail terms in recent years.

Dozens of activists and oil workers in the restive southwestern Kazakh town of Zhanaozen have demanded the immediate release of of independent trade union leader Amin Eleusinov, who was sentenced to 15 days in jail for violating regulations for public gatherings on November 7. Late on November 8, the oil workers warned that they would "carry out all actions allowed by law" if Eleusinov was not released. In early January 2022, protests in Zhanaozen against fuel price hikes led to unprecedented nationwide unrest that turned deadly. In 2011, at least 16 activists were killed in Zhanaozen when police violently dispersed a protest.

A 19-year-old activist has been sentenced to prison for royal defamation over a speech criticising the monarchy during a protest on 6 December 2020, and been granted parole for two years.

On 6 November 2023, the Central Juvenile and Family Court sentenced Thanakorn (last name withheld), who identifies as part of the LGBTQ+ community, to two years in prison over a protest speech at Wongwian Yai on 6 December 2020.

The court stated that Thanakorn is a student who lives with his family and it is believed that the parents are capable of taking care of them. Therefore, the court decided to grant Thanakorn a 2-year parole, during which time they will be on probation. Thanakorn is required to report to a Counselling Centre and receive a proper consultation from psychologists every two months. In addition, Thanakorn is prohibited from committing similar offences.

In the protest, they said Thailand is not a democracy but an absolute monarchy and spoke about the role of the monarchy in military coups. At the time, Thanakorn was 17 years old.

The complaint against Thanakorn and two other activists was filed by Chakrapong Klinkaew, leader of the royalist group People Protecting the Institution.

Thanakorn was convicted of royal defamation on 22 November 2022. TLHR reported that even though Thanakorn did not mention specific kings, they were found guilty since the royal defamation law is interpreted to covers the entire monarchy.

The court sentenced them to two years in prison. The court said that since it believes it would be more beneficial for Thanakon to undergo training to improve their behaviour than for them to go to prison, it commuted the prison sentence to a Juvenile Training Centre under the Department of Juvenile Observation and Protection of the Ministry of Justice for a minimum of one year and six months or a maximum of three years, until they reach the age of 24 years.

At the time, Thanakorn was granted bail in order to appeal the conviction on a security of 30,000 baht.

Thanakorn was also found guilty of royal defamation for giving a speech criticising the monarchy during a protest on 10 September 2020. TLHR reported that the Nonthaburi Juvenile and Family Court found them guilty of royal defamation and sentenced them to three years in prison. Since they were a minor when charged, the Court reduced the sentence to one year and six months, suspended for two years, during which time they will be on probation.

About the Human Rights Defenders:

1. Pachaiyappan, S/o Krishnan

2. Devan, S/o Munusamy

3. Thirumal, S/o Mohanam

4. Sozhan, S/o Nathikesavan

5. Arul, S/o Arumugam

6. Masilamani, S/o Chinnapaiyan

7. Bakkiyaraj, S/o Balakrishnan

8. Vijayan, S.o of Athimoolam

9. Perumar, S/o Subramani 10.Murugan, S/o of Kuppan 11.Venkatesan, S/o Kuppan 12.Thirumalai, S/o Kalidoss 13.Sundaramoorthi, S/o Nadesan 14.Sadasivan, S/o Shanmugam 15.Balaji, S/o Mani 16.Annamalai, S/o Veerasamu 17.Durairaj, S/o Arumugam 18.Anbalagan, S/o Durairaj 19.Babu, S/o Narayanan 20.Rajdurai, S/o Palani All of them are farmers, land rights activist and Human Rights Defenders.

Background: Hundreds of farmers in the Tiruvannamalai district of the state of Tamil Nadu have been protesting peacefully for more than 128 days against the government's proposed acquisition of about 3000 acres of agricultural wetlands for the SIPCOT (State Industries Promotion Corporation of Tamil Nadu Ltd (SIPCOT)), Industrial Park scheme, which will then subsequently be leased to private industries. The police had filed numerous false FIRs (First Information Reports) with criminal charges against the protestors as well as many false criminal cases (FIRs) against them. Details of the Incident: On November 4, 2023, the police arrested 21 farmers in early morning hours at around 2am, by forcing entry into the houses of farmers, and thereafter remanded 20 of them to judicial custody. No DK Basu guidelines of arrest were followed by the police. The arrested farmers were taken to different police station by the police. Those arrested including Pachaiyappan, were subsequently produced before the Cheyyar Judicial Magistrate who first remanded them to the Vellore Central Prison and were then transferred to various central prisons at Madurai Central Prison, Palayamkottai Central Prison, Trichy Central Prison, Cuddalore Central Prison, Salem Central Prison, Tamil Nadu. All of them are still in jail. Their arrests were in connection with an FIR (No. 324 of 2023) filed at Anakkavoor police station on August 29, 2023, when Pachaiyappan and the other farmers were walking together for a public hearing. The public hearing was being organised by the district administration of Thiruvannamalai district when the police stopped them from walking and booked them under sections of unlawful assembly and other sections.

The activists, dressed in clothes made of plastic bags and carrying signs emblazoned with environmentalist slogans, marched to the rallying point where they would submit their petition to Cambodia’s Ministry of Environment.

It was supposed to be a peaceful march to urge the government to raise taxes on plastic bags and charge customers more for using them, in a bid to protect Cambodia’s environment.

But plainclothes officers blocked the way of the 20 marchers, pushed them, snatched their phones, and attempted to confiscate their banners.

“They didn’t listen to us. We are holding banners to request the government to listen to our two requests,” Ream SreyMech Rathana, one of the marchers, told Radio Free Asia.

“Where is democracy? [We are] people [just] walking on the streets who speak their mind but they outlaw us and the authorities are resorting to violence and unethical behavior,” said Ream SreyMech Rathana.

The authorities choose violence as their response, regardless of what the activists are asking for, said Hum Sok Keang, another activist.

“We have observed that authorities don’t allow us to work freely even though our work is beneficial to the country but they think we are polluting the society,” Hum Sok Keang said.

After the encounter, a representative from the Ministry of Environment accepted their petition.

To combat plastic pollution, the Ministry of Environment in 2016 issued a sub decree ordering provincial, city and district authorities to properly handle trash. But critics say authorities have failed to resolve the trash issues, forcing the people to pick up plastic litter from public places.

RFA attempted to reach the ministry’s spokesperson Phai Bun Chhoeun and the Phnom Penh police spokesperson Sam Vicheaca, but neither could be reached for comment.

Plastic pollution pollutes the environment and will discourage tourists from visiting Cambodia, said Chhin Chorvin, another activist.

“Plastic affects humans and animals and pollutes water,” he said. “When we use too much plastic, we burn it and it pollutes the atmosphere.”

Police in Vietnam have released four independent Protestants who were detained for five days after inviting President Vo Van Thuong to observe one of their religious services.

Y Nuer Buon Dap, Y Thinh Nie, Y Cung Nie and his son Y Salemon Eban returned home on Saturday.

The first three were arrested on Oct. 31 and taken to the headquarters of Cu M'gar District Police. Another man, Y Phuc Nie, was arrested the same day, but he was released on Nov. 2.

Y Salemon Eban was arrested on Nov. 3 while his mother, H Tuyen Eban was interrogated by district police on Nov. 2.

“The police forced us to work all day, from 7:30 a.m. until 11:00 p.m. before going to bed, but we were not beaten. We were well fed during the days of our arrest," one of the arrested men told Radio Free Asia, asking to remain anonymous for legal reasons.

He said the police questioned them about their views on religious freedom and civil society.

Before releasing the Protestants, the police told them to stop practicing religion independently and not to study civil society, saying its aim was to oppose the government.

They were also told not to participate in the Aug. 22 International Day Commemorating the Victims of Acts of Violence Based on Religion or Belief and the Dec. 10 International Human Rights Day.

“We cannot accept restrictions on the exercise of freedom of religion and freedom of movement . We will continue to practice religion in our family,” said one of the Protestants.

“What 's wrong with studying civil society? We study according to Vietnamese law and international law and have no intention of opposing the government.”

RFA Vietnamese called Cu M'gar District Police to verify the information, but the person who answered asked the reporter to go to the agency's headquarters and speak to the person in charge.

Many Montagnard families in Dak Lak and some provinces in the Central Highlands follow Protestantism but are not in a state-approved religious organization.

They have no leaders, no organizational structure, everyone in the group has equal rights and equality with each other. Pastors are just trusted representatives of their group.

Since the beginning of 2023, independent Protestant groups have sent four invitations to local authorities and President Vo Van Thuong to attend religious activities to prove that they have no intention of opposing state-approved religions or the government.

Authorities in Vietnam on Tuesday sentenced a Facebook user to three and a half years in prison for his live-streamed videos that were critical of the government, state media reported.

Le Thach Giang, 66, of the southern coastal province of Ninh Thuan, was found guilty of violating Article 331 of Vietnam’s penal code for “abusing democratic freedoms to violate the State’s interests, legitimate rights and interests of organizations and individuals.”

Rights groups have said that Article 331 is a vaguely written law that is often used by the government to silence dissenting voices and repress the people.

According to the indictment, between Aug. 29 and Nov. 25, 2022, Giang had livestreamed several videos containing information about local authorities in Ninh Thuan on his Facebook account, which was titled “The Brutal Authorities.” He also criticized the Communist Party of Vietnam and late president and revolutionary leader Ho Chi Minh.

The videos were allegedly unverified, slanderous and offensive to government agencies and defamatory to the Communist Party of Vietnam and the late president.

State media also said that Giang had been previously sentenced to another three and a half years for “intentionally damaging assets” and “disrupting public order,” but did not specify what these charges were for or when he was sentenced.

Hundreds of police officers broke up a construction site protest in northern Vietnam Tuesday by beating several demonstrators with batons and arresting about a dozen of them, the protesters told Radio Free Asia.

The US$30 million 15-hectare (37-acre) Long Son Container Port Project would build a 250-meter (820-foot) dock to be operational by 2025 in the Hai Ha commune in the northern province of Thanh Hoa, home to nearly 3,000 households, about 400 of which rely on fishing to make a living.

Tuesday’s arrests came after several consecutive days of protests of the project, with residents taking to the streets and occupying the beach to stop Long Son from working. The residents say they want satisfactory compensation and resettlement plans.

Videos of the protest taken by residents show that the police were equipped with batons and shields. At least one man sustained a head injury, and his clothes were stained with blood.

“At around 4 a.m., hundreds of police officers were sent to the scene and they pushed us away from the beach,” a Hai Ha resident who wished to remain anonymous for security reasons told RFA Vietnamese. “When we did not leave, they used batons to hit us. Many got injuries on their heads and limbs. They also arrested many people and took them away.”

More than 10 people were beaten to the point that they sustained minor injuries, another resident, who was also present at the scene, told RFA on condition of anonymity.

“Also, 16 people were arrested and taken to the Nghi Son Town Police Station,” the second resident said. “We were about to go there to demand the release of our people but were blocked by the police right at the edge of our village.”

Since the protest was broken up, leveling work has been started, the second resident said. “We have lost in the struggle to protect our livelihoods.”

Suppressing images

A third resident said that authorities had jammed mobile phone signals to prevent residents from spreading the images and videos of the suppression. The police also prohibited residents from filming the incident, this person said.

To verify the information provided by residents, RFA contacted the Nghi Son Town police and the Thanh Hoa provincial police. However, staff who answered the phone declined to respond to questions and requested that RFA go to their headquarters with the necessary letters of introduction to be provided with information.

A report of the incident in the provincial government’s mouthpiece, the Thanh Hoa online newspaper, said that the provincial police and the authorities of Nghi Son town and Hai Ha commune had jointly “implemented a plan to ensure the construction of Dock No. 3 of the Long Son Container Port so that the construction contractor can carry out the project on schedule.”

The report also said that because “a number of Hai Ha residents continued obstructing the construction,” responsible forces had to “temporarily put some people in custody to investigate, verify and handle the case in accordance with the law.”

The report did not specify how many residents had been arrested and put into custody, nor did it mention any injuries caused by the police crackdown.

Week-long protests

The protests started on the morning of Oct. 23, when around 300 residents from Hai Ha commune took to the streets to oppose the construction project, which, according to them, will adversely affect their livelihood and living environment.

On the afternoon of the same day, Nghi Son Town Police issued a decision to launch a criminal case against those who had obstructed traffic, causing serious traffic congestion for about one kilometer (0.6 miles).

Despite the announcement many residents continued to gather at the Hai Ha commune beach to prevent construction work, although the police had summoned some people and forced them to pledge in writing not to gather at the construction site.

Activist Mongkhon Thirakot has been found guilty of royal defamation and violation of the Computer Crimes Act and sentenced to 4 years and 6 months in prison for two Facebook posts made in July 2022.

Mongkhon, 30, is a Chiang Rai-based activist and online clothes vendor. He was charged with royal defamation and violation of the Computer Crimes Act for two Facebook posts made on 28 and 30 July 2022. One post contains a picture of King Vajiralongkorn and a message about wearing black in mourning, while another contains an edited picture of Mongkhon holding a picture frame.

Mongkhon was arrested at his family home in Chiang Rai on 11 August 2022 by a unit of 21 police officers. He was later released on bail. The public prosecutor indicted him on the grounds that the posts insulted the King and damaged his reputation.

Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) said that, during witness examination, Mongkhon’s friend came to observe the hearing, but was ordered to leave the court room by an official and a court marshal, who said that the court ordered that Mongkhon to be tried in secret. However, TLHR said that no such order was made for the trial but noted that court marshals and security guards were always present at every hearing.

Mongkhon argued that, although he made the two posts, the content was satirical and not an offence under the royal defamation law. He also stated his belief that using the royal defamation law damaged the monarchy, adding that as all are born equal all can be equally criticised.

On Monday (30 October), the Chiang Rai Provincial Court found Mongkhon guilty of royal defamation and sentenced him to a total of 6 years in prison, reduced to 4 because he gave useful testimony. The court also sentenced him to 6 months in prison on a trespassing charge, which was previously suspended. This brings his total sentence to 4 years and 6 months.

Mongkhon was detained overnight as the Chiang Rai Provincial Court forwarded his bail request to the Appeal Court. He was granted bail the next morning on a security of 300,000 baht and on the condition that he does not do anything that damages the monarchy and must not leave the country.

Mongkhon was previously charged with royal defamation for 27 Facebook posts. He was found guilty on 14 counts and sentenced to 28 years in prison by the Chiang Rai Provincial Court. The court ordered the sentences for both cases to be served consecutively. He is now in the process of filing for appeal.

Student activist Benja Apan has been sentenced to prison with a two-year suspension for a royal defamation charge resulting from a speech she gave during a protest on 10 August 2021.

On 30 October 2023, the Southern Bangkok Criminal Court ruled that the student activist violated the royal defamation law and Emergency Decree at a 10 August 2021 protest organised by the United Front of Thammasat and Demonstration (UFTD).

Benja was sentenced to three years in prison for the defamation charge and one year with a 12,000 baht fine for the Emergency Decree violation. The court reduced the sentence to two years and eight months, with a two-year suspension, and an 8,000 Baht fine, because she has never been imprisoned and was only 21 years old at the time of the incident.

The court asserted that her speech directly targeted King Vajiralongkorn and amounted to defamation of the King. It refused to accept her testimony that her intention was not to criticise the king but rather the administration of former PM Prayut Chan-o-cha.

During the protest, Benja read out the 2nd UFTD Declaration which stated that the 2014 coup led by Gen Prayut resulted in a regime which only benefited only the elite. The statement also criticised the government’s mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic and called for it to properly handle the pandemic, revitalise the economy, repeal the 2017 Constitution, push forward with reforms of state institutions including the monarchy, and return dignity to the people.

A complaint was filed by members of the People’s Centre for the Protection of Monarchy on 12 August 2021. Benja was arrested on 7 October 2021 after she went to meet the inquiry officer at Lumpini Police Station to hear a charge of violating the Emergency Decree for participating in the 3 September protest at the Ratchaprasong intersection. She did not receive a summons before being arrested.

The activist was taken to the court on 8 October 2021 and denied bail three times before being granted bail on 14 January 2022. She was indicted for the charges on 3 December 2021.

Local sources in Mazar-i-Sharif city have reported the tragic suicide of a young woman named Homa, who took her own life after being released from a Taliban prison. The incident occurred on Saturday, November 4th.

Homa, a passionate protester against Taliban restrictions, was apprehended by the Taliban intelligence agency during a checkpoint inspection in the city’s seventh district of Mazar-i-Sharif on Sunday, October 30th. She remained in their custody for three days.

Although it has been alleged that Homa was a member of the women’s protest network opposing the Taliban’s restrictions on women, the women’s protest network in Balkh has not confirmed or denied her membership to Hasht-e Subh Daily.

Sources have revealed that Homa was 26 years old and had graduated in the field of education from Balkh University.

Reports indicate that Homa endured torture at the hands of the Taliban intelligence agency, with visible evidence of this brutality on her body. After her release from Taliban captivity, she tragically hanged herself from the ceiling of her room, putting an end to her life.

Homa’s body was laid to rest on the same day as her death, Saturday, November 4th.

As of now, the Taliban group in Balkh has not commented on this tragic event.

Throughout their more than two years of control in Afghanistan, the Taliban have consistently suppressed, arrested, and tortured female protesters. There have been documented instances of sexual assaults on women in their prisons as well.

Hui Muslim poet Cui Haoxin, formerly a vocal critic of Beijing's treatment of Uyghurs and Hui Muslims, has been severely beaten by an unidentified man after lying low for nearly three years, according to an associate and an account of the attack posted to his personal blog.

The reports emerged after Cui, who lives in Shandong and goes by the pen name An Ran, disappeared from social media for nearly three years after being warned off speaking out publicly or talking to journalists – on pain of a prison sentence, Radio Free Asia has learned.

Cui was attacked by the man at around 4.00 p.m. local time on Oct. 29 after he went downstairs to pick up a parcel near the gates of his residential compound, a person familiar with the matter who asked not to be named for fear of reprisals told RFA Mandarin.

"This man, whom An Ran had never seen before, was waiting for him on a motorbike near the shelves in his residential community," the person said.

"He didn't say anything but shoved An Ran to one side and started shuffling through all of the packages ... then he asked if he could move over [so An Ran could look for his package], and the guy immediately started yelling and cursing at him," they said.

According to Cui's blog post, the man then knocked him to the ground and started beating him.

"He was hitting so fast and so hard that I couldn't fight back – I just tried to block the blows," he said. "The punches hit home, and now my temples, eyes and the back of my head are swollen and painful."

Cui, 44, tried to get up after his attacker fell over, but the man started beating him again "knocking me to the ground, and not stopping until he was tired," he wrote, adding that his eyesight is now "significantly reduced."

Critical posts

The attack came nearly three years after Cui was held in criminal detention by police in January 2020 for "picking quarrels and stirring up trouble" after he made posts to Twitter criticizing China’s treatment of Muslims in Xinjiang.

Cui dropped off the radar of the overseas media and international activists after that, and made no more posts to his former social media accounts.

A friend of his told Radio Free Asia on Nov. 1 that he was actually released on "bail, pending trial" on Feb. 21, 2020, and warned off posting anything to social media or talking to foreign journalists.

"An Ran's father came to take him home, and from that point on, they lived in a situation where they were continually followed, warned and intimidated by the police," she said.

"The state security police warned his family that he would be sent to prison if he gave interviews to foreign journalists," the friend said. "That would have left An Ran's parents without anyone to take care of them, so An Ran said nothing for three years, not even a comment or a picture."

"He was depressed and almost at the point of mental collapse when he got out [from detention]," the friend said.

‘Big prison’

U.S.-based activist Sulaiman Gu said the blog post is the first news anyone has had from Cui in three years.

"An Ran really did disappear completely over the past three years," he said. "Nobody knew what had happened to him."

"All I know is that he had been warned many times and held for short periods of time prior to his detention [in 2021], and tricked into going for 'red' education in Jinggangshan," Gu said.

"He was in great danger at that time, but then he was released into the big prison," he said, referring to the tight surveillance and restrictions that are frequently imposed by Chinese police on former political prisoners long after their release from detention or prison.

"At least he's not in the small prison," Gu said.

Prior to his detention Cui was an outspoken critic of China's mass incarceration of Uyghurs and other Muslims in the northwestern region of Xinjiang, where authorities have placed as many as 1.8 million people accused of harboring “strong religious views” and “politically incorrect” ideas in a network of internment camps since April 2017.

He had also been detained and questioned by state security police in 2018 over critical tweets, and warned not to use overseas social media or to become a "tool" of hostile foreign forces.

In April 2018, Cui was sent on a week-long ideological "re-education" course in eastern China and was briefly detained in connection with his poetry and other writings that reference Xinjiang.

In one article published at the time, Cui describes Xinjiang as having left a "planet-sized impression" on him.

"Xinjiang, that massive presence that defies expression, left a planet-sized impression on me that is ineradicable," Cui wrote in an article that also referenced the Syrian conflict and the Arab Spring.

"This is a land of poetry and song ... when I headed out west to the Central Asian city of Kashgar, no sooner had I arrived than I made straight for the tomb of an ancient poet, and raised my hands in prayer for him beside the dusty tomb swathed in green silk."

At least 30 journalists came under attack, while the vehicles and equipment of some of them were vandalised during a clash between the supporters of the main opposition Bangladeshi Nationalist Party and the police in the capital’s Naya Paltan area on Saturday.

The clash between the protesters and police began about 11:30am before the BNP started its scheduled grand rally in front of its party office at Naya Paltan, during which journalists were also injured.

Different journalist organisations and platforms condemned the attacks on their fellows.

The Dhaka Reporters Unity in their statement condemned the attacks on and torture of 30 journalists and also snatching of their mobile phones and valuables and damaging of their cameras and other equipment.

The DRU leadership said that such attacks are never acceptable and against the press freedom.

Protesters at Rajmoni crossing intercepted Mohammad Ali Mazed, AFP video journalist and an executive committee member of the Bangladeshi Journalists in International Media, beating him up with sticks, while he was heading towards Kakrail intersection during the clash.

The protestors also broke his camera.

Later, the BJIM in a statement said that it strongly condemns the brutal attacks on at least 19 on-duty journalists, including two of its cofounders, as major political parties staged rallies in the capital within very risky proximities on Saturday.

Brick chips were hurled at Sazzad Hossain, a freelance photographer for international media and a BJIM member. He was also stampeded allegedly by BNP activists.

New Age journalist Ahammad Foyez, Bangla Tribune’s Salman Tarek Shakil, Daily Kalbela’s Rafsan Jani, and Share Biz’s Hamidur Rahman, among others, sustained injuries.

Rafsan Jani was badly beaten and taken to hospital.

Daily Inqilab’s FA Masum told New Age that he was taking photos when two processions of BNP and ruling Awami League were about to face off in a confrontation at the time of which someone dragged him from back and started beating near the AL procession.

Masum said he could not recognise any of the attackers. A car of Jamuna Television was vandalised in Kakrail, while a

microbus of Maasranga Television carrying Noor Un Nahar Weely was attacked at Shahjahanpur in the evening.

Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists in their statement also alleged that journalists were targeted when they were filming or photographing acts of vandalism and arson during the programmes of BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami.

The criminalization of several farmers from the Tani Nelayan Union (STN) by the Jambi Police occurred in Betung Village, Kumpeh, Muaro Jambi Regency on Sunday, October 29, 2023.

Even more ironic, one of the lecturers from a well-known university in Jambi, initials H, was involved in committing violence against farmers.

"This is inhumane treatment from the authorities. And ironically academics are also involved. We strongly condemn this criminalization," said Suluh Rifai, Chairman of STN, when giving a statement to the media crew.

According to Rifai, inhumane actions occurred when several farmers were treated like animals, tied up by the neck and then dragged by police officers and several people from the Fajar Pagi Plasma Cooperative of PT Ricky Kurniawan Kertapersada (PT RKK).

Rifai could not understand the criminalization carried out by the authorities and unscrupulous lecturers. In fact, according to him, the power possessed by the police and lecturers should be devoted to the people, not to the cooperative.

"I can't stop thinking. The police are no longer an institution to protect the people. But the oppressor of the people. These lecturers are also the same, they have tarnished higher education institutions that should be independent from corporations, instead they are under the feet of corporations," said Rifai angrily.

When asked for information on the criminalization of farmers, Rifai said that the Fajar Pagi Cooperative, former plasma of PT RKK, had violated the law from the beginning and caused losses to the state for dozens of years because it had planted oil palm plantations in the Industrial Plantation Forest (HTI) area.

Previously, PT RKK had also been defeated by the judges at all levels that the rightful owner of the land occupied by PT RKK was now PT WKS.

After all, according to Rifai, the government permit given to PT WKS is an Industrial Plantation Forest (HTI) concession.

However, Rifai explained, PT RKK has broken the law and violated the PTUN decision by continuing to use the Industrial Plantation Forest (HTI) area with oil palm plantations on an area of 2391 hectares since 2008.

"The state has been tricked by PT RKK since a dozen years. For me this is a shame, as big as Indonesia can be fooled by PT. RKK, which is now bankrupt," Rifai said, again.

Not finished there, PT. RKK also said Rifai was the culprit for burning forests and destroying ecology in Muaro Jambi but never paid fines until now, which amounted to more than 191 billion.

For the actions of PT RKK, Rifai urged the Indonesian Ministry of Environment (KLH), the National Police Chief and the Ministry of Education to immediately punish PT RKK and its plasma Fajar Pagi Cooperative and Jambi Police who were involved and unscientific lecturers.

Rifai also demanded that the Ministry of ATR / BPN RI immediately cancel the HGU of PT. RKK and asked the Chief of Police to stop and take over the case being handled by the Jambi Police for the detention of several farmers without trial.

Sri Lankan authorities must immediately drop any investigation into freelance Tamil journalists Punniyamoorthy Sasikaran and Valasingham Krishnakumar in retaliation for their reporting and allow them to work without interference, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Wednesday.

On October 28, a police officer separately interrogated Sasikaran and Krishnakumar at their homes in eastern Batticaloa district following their reporting on an October 8 protest, according to the advocacy group Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka and the journalists, who spoke with CPJ.

The protest, which coincided with President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s visit to Batticaloa, included hundreds of farmers and activists demonstrating against alleged state-backed land grabbing by Sinhalese settlers. Sasikaran covered the events for the privately owned U.K.-based broadcaster IBC Tamil and digital news outlet BATTIMIRROR, while Krishnakumar reported for the privately owned websites Maddu News and Samugam Media.

The officer questioned Sasikaran and Krishnakumar about their personal and journalistic backgrounds and activities, and what occurred at the protest for around two and a half hours and one hour and 15 minutes, respectively, the journalists told CPJ.

The officer ordered them to sign written statements of their testimony and notified them that they had been named in a police criminal investigation in relation to the protest along with several farmers, politicians, and activists, and were due to appear for a hearing at the Eravur Magistrate Court on November 17. Neither Sasikaran nor Krishnakumar had received a written summons or a copy of a police report detailing the precise allegations against them as of November 8, they said.

“Sri Lankan authorities must immediately cease all forms of reprisal against journalists Punniyamoorthy Sasikaran and Valasingham Krishnakumar and ensure they may report freely,” said CPJ Asia Program Coordinator Beh Lih Yi. “The government must put an end to the long-standing pattern of relentless harassment targeting Tamil journalists covering human rights violations impacting their community.”

Following Sri Lanka’s 26-year civil war that ended in 2009, ethnic tensions persist between the Sinhalese people, the country’s majority ethnic group, and Tamils, who have experienced systematic discrimination in the country.

On November 4, Sasikaran and Krishnakumar received a court order, reviewed by CPJ, directing them to hand over their unedited video footage of a Buddhist monk threatening to “cut Tamils into pieces,” and to provide a statement to police in relation to a separate investigation into the monk.

On November 7, Sasikaran and Krishnakumar appeared at the Batticaloa Divisional Crime Detective Bureau and provided the footage to police, who questioned them for one hour each about their coverage and which media outlets they shared their videos with, they told CPJ.

Sasikaran and Krishnakumar told CPJ that they believed the latest incident was another form of harassment intended to muzzle their reporting on farmers and marginalized communities.

CPJ’s messages to Ajith Rohana, deputy inspector-general of the Batticaloa police, did not receive a response.

Police have repeatedly interrogated Sasikaran and Krishnakumar in retaliation for their work. On August 22, a mob of around 50 Sinhalese men held Krishnakumar and two other journalists captive while they were reporting on alleged state-backed land encroachments in Batticaloa. No suspects had been accountable for this incident as of November 8, Krishnakumar said.

The Bangladeshi Journalists in International Media (BJIM) strongly condemns the brutal attacks on at least 19 on-duty journalists including two of its co-founders on October 28, 2023, as three major political parties staged rallies in the capital within very risky proximities on Saturday.

​

Mohammad Ali Mazed, AFP Video Journalist and a BJIM Executive Committee Member, was ambushed and beaten on the head and back with sticks by several activists of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). His safety gear saved him from severe injuries though the miscreants broke his newsgathering kit.

Sazzad Hossain, a Freelance photographer for The Guardian, DW, and SOPA Images and a BJIM member, was also targeted with brick chips and later stampeded by some BNP activists.

New Age journalist Ahamed Fayez, Bangla Tribune’s Salman Tarek Shakil, Jobaer Ahmed, Daily Kalbela’s Rafsan Jani, Abu Saleh Musa, Rabiul Islam Rubel, Touhidul Islam Tarek, Dhaka Times’ Salekin Tarin, Kazi Ihsan Didar, Inqilab’s F A Masum, Ittefaq’s Tanvir Ahammed, Sheikh Naser, Ekushey TV’s Touhidur Rahman, Arifur Rahman, Desh Rupantor’s Arifur Rahman Rabbi, The Report’s Tahir Zaman, Share Biz’s Hamidur Rahman and Freelance journalist Maruf were also injured by attacks of miscreants within the rallies.

Rallies and demonstrations are part of democratic movements and we respect the political parties’ attempt to uphold the essence of democracy.

​

Similarly, it is necessary to remember that journalism is the fourth estate of democracy. Any blow towards the free press will be counted as a lesion on democracy. Such attacks on journalists are not acceptable and we demand free, fair, and swift justice for our injured colleagues.

We also officially reprimand policemen’s attacks on journalists covering the unlawful checking at Dhaka entrances in the past few evenings ahead of the rallies.

Additionally, we promise to further enhance our monitoring of journalists’ safety in Bangladesh.

We assure our colleagues, from local and international media, that we will always stand with you.

A lawsuit has been filed by APSARA National Authority against seven villagers, including a commune police chief, who live around Angkor Wat, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, for allegedly inciting and obstructing public work in August.

Two separate court summons issued against the villagers were obtained by CamboJA One summon was against four villagers, including the local police officer, who allegedly obstructed public work and intentionally caused damage and violence. Another summon was issued to the villagers for allegedly inciting other villagers.

On August 8, hundreds of villagers protested against an attempt by APSARA to demolish allegedly illegal structures after issuing a notice in Prasat Bakong district’s Meanchey commune.

Although the authority failed to demolish the structures, the villagers have been restricted by APSARA from constructing additional structures in front of their house or fixing their roofs.

“I don’t know why they have filed a suit [against me]. I only went to see [the protest],” said 38-year-old Var Chamnab, who is being sued along with three other villagers by APSARA.

“I wasn’t the only one [there] on that day … hundreds of people protested,” he said, adding that he was aware that villagers do not have permission to build, but that they had sought for permission several times but were denied.

Rolous commune police chief Rai Vanna said he cannot offer any details or comment as yet as he has not testified in court as to what he witnessed during the protest. He was supposed to give evidence on October 18 but it was postponed.

He said he had gone to the protest to monitor the situation and ensure public order.

“On behalf of the authorities, we have to give evidence on the case – villagers who were protesting – but the questioning has been deferred. So, I can’t say more as I am an official and I need to get approval from my boss before I can say anything,” Vanna said.

A villager, 36-year-old Sok Pov, was accused of incitement for allegedly posting APSARA’s notice on the removal of “illegal” structures in Bangkorng village on August 14 and 15. He is alleged to have asked villagers living inside and outside the village to “please join the protest”.

“I just posted [the notice] to inform people to come and appeal against the demolition,” he told the court when questioned on October 23, before being allowed to return home.

“I think it [the legal suit] was unreasonable. It is like restricting our freedom of expression when [all we did was] post the notice,” Pov said.

He said villagers living in Zone 2, which is a world heritage site, are not allowed to build new structures and extend the front portion of their house as it would impact the Angkor temples.

“There are a lot of difficulties [restrictions] … we can’t fix our house roof or build any extension in front. Within the authorities’ land, there are a lot of restrictions.

“They require us to seek permission [for construction] but when we request, they do not give us permission,” Pov said.

Earlier, a letter was sent by APSARA to village chiefs and representatives to inform them about the demolition of illegal structures, such as new shelters or cottages and new additions to front portions of old houses, from August 14 to 15, 2023.

APSARA spokesperson Long Kosal confirmed that his officials had “demolished” several illegal structures and houses but he could not specifically identify which ones needed to be removed.

“[New] constructions are not allowed within the world heritage site and they would need to get permission to build them. When it’s built without permission, it is [an] illegal [structure],” Kosal said.

“But, it doesn’t mean that when you apply for permission you will get an approval,” Kosal said, adding that there are legal requirements and conditions that should be satisfied when applications are reviewed.

Before the authority removed the structures, APSARA issued a notice in advance, he confirmed, but denied that there were restrictions on the rights of people who live within the world heritage sites.

“I think that some of our people have different levels of knowledge about the law. We can review how many people are living at the world heritage site, who are allowed to to fix houses or remove old houses and build new houses,” he said.

“We have to review the situation as a whole, not by looking on a case by case basis,” Kosal said.

NGO Licadho rights coordinator Ing Kongchet, who investigated the issue, called on the court officials to drop the charges against the villagers. He also urged UNESCO to intervene to protect the fundamental rights of the villagers and improve their living conditions.

“It is an issue that violates human rights. We appeal to APSARA and UNESCO to reconsider this case. APSARA has restricted people’s rights in requesting to fix or build houses.

“We support conservation but people’s livelihoods are important as well. People need security and safety. If their houses have no gates or toilets, and their roofs leak when it rains, they should give permission to fix it,” Kongchet said.

Meanwhile, a spokesperson with the UNESCO World Heritage Center asserted that UNESCO has “never requested, supported, or was a party to the relocation program” and that any questions relating to it should be conveyed to the national authority.

In response to CamboJA’s questions via email on Friday evening, the spokesperson said for all the sites in the world, UNESCO underscores that conservation measures decided by the authorities “must necessarily involve, take into account the opinion and respect the rights of local communities, and comply with human rights”.

The importance of the inclusion of local communities has been officially included in the World Heritage Convention’s Operational Guidelines since 2015.

According to the spokesperson, the center has already conveyed the concerns raised by international NGOs regarding the relocation program to the Cambodian state party and the World Heritage Committee, a 21-member intergovernmental body. (A state party is a country, in this case Cambodia, which has adhered to the World Heritage Convention).

At its last session in September 2023, the committee requested the state party to “take into consideration the living conditions and the rights of local communities and inhabitants affected by these relocations”, the spokesperson mentioned.

The state party was also requested to submit an updated report on the state of conservation of the property demonstrating the implementation of its suggestions to the UNESCO World Heritage Centre, by December 1, 2024.

The spokesperson reminded that despite UNESCO’s resolute commitment to rights-based management of World Heritage Sites including the inclusion of rights holders and local communities in the conservation strategies of the properties, it does not have the mandate to impose measures on member states. “The conservation and management of World Heritage Properties are under the sole authority of the concerned state parties, which are sovereign over their territories.”

In the meantime, Siem Reap provincial court spokesperson Yin Srang confirmed that the court has postponed the questioning of the four villagers, including the policeman and that the next date has not been fixed yet.

Srang claimed that he does not know who the prosecutor of the case is, when asked to comment on those who have been questioned.

Last week, CamboJA reported that 700 villagers from seven villages in Pouk district and Siem Reap City protested against APSARA for attempting to demolish the illegal structures.

Kosal said there are about 10,000 families who voluntarily moved to relocation sites, while the Peak Sneng site remains under construction.

Update: This story was updated on November 4 at 10:40 a.m. ICT to include comments received from UNESCO World Heritage Center after publication.

Li Yuhan, the Chinese human rights lawyer who won the 2020 Franco-German Prize for Human Rights and the Rule of Law, has been sentenced to six and a half years in prison. Detained six years ago, she was charged with “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.”

Li, who was tried in 2021, was sentenced on Oct. 25 in the First Courtroom of Heping District Court in the Liaoning Province city of Shenyang. She will receive credit for her time in detention and has filed to appeal the sentence.

She represented Chinese rights lawyer Wang Yu during the "709 Crackdown" in 2015, when China launched a sweeping crackdown on more than 300 lawyers and human rights defenders.

The ailing Li Yuhan, 74, has been detained at the Shenyang No. 1 Detention Center since her arrest on Oct. 9, 2017. Authorities added a third charge against her, fraud in 2018, and canceled her trial repeatedly without explanation.

Human rights officials from Germany, France, the European Union, the United States, the United Kingdom and other countries had hoped to observe the trial but were unable to as authorities packed the room with selected spectators.

Li Yuhan's younger brother, Li Yongsheng, told VOA Mandarin, "In this so-called open trial, except for me, a family member, everyone else was kept away by the government. The Heping District Court treated this ordinary criminal case like that of a formidable enemy. They surrounded the court with iron fences and deployed many undercover police and auxiliary police."

Wang, Li’s onetime client, told VOA Mandarin that Shenyang Heping District Court violated international norms against illegal detention and went against China's Criminal Procedure Law, which mandates issuance of a verdict within five years.

Paul Mooney, an American human rights advocate and former Reuters journalist, said, "The sole 'crime' of lawyer Li Yuhan is her courage in handling highly sensitive cases related to religious freedom, including Falun Gong and house churches, and her defense of the distinguished human rights lawyer Wang Yu.

“Detaining a human rights lawyer like Li Yuhan arbitrarily for over six years without a verdict not only violates Chinese law but also underscores the Chinese Communist Party's lack of confidence and a concerning trend of increasing political repression."

Li's son, Ma Wenting, who lives in Germany, told VOA Mandarin, "She has coronary heart disease and arrhythmia. She has undergone coronary artery bypass grafting and stent surgery. … My mother suffered multiple heart attacks in prison. Our family applied for medical parole three times but were all rejected."

Teng Biao, a prominent human rights lawyer in China who has lived in the U.S. since 2014, said in a phone interview on Oct. 25, "Li Yuhan is over 70 years old and seriously ill and has been detained for more than six years. The refusal of her medical parole is not only a violation of legal procedures but also a violation of humanity."

Li Yongsheng told VOA Mandarin that his sister had questioned the Shenyang Heping District Court's jurisdiction since the beginning of the trial, as she did not have a registered address in the district, and she wasn’t arrested there.

"This is an illegal trial. In addition, the testimony and evidence from the prosecutor's office cannot prove my sister is guilty at all," he said. "The defense lawyer He Wei's defense is very good. It is a pity that the power of judgment lies in the hands of the authorities, and the court still pronounced my sister guilty. We will have to continue to appeal and complain that the authorities violated the law."

Teng said, "The heart of the Li Yuhan case lies in the blatant disregard for the law and proper procedures by the authorities. Her arrest and charge of 'picking quarrels and provoking trouble' are clearly retaliatory actions against her human rights activities. The primary and direct motive for this retaliation is her involvement in the case of Wang Yu, the first lawyer arrested in the Chinese Communist Party's 709 crackdown. Additionally, Li Yuhan has a long history of petitioning and human rights work. This clearly indicates that the authorities are targeting her."

Ma told VOA Mandarin, "Although the sentence of six years and six months is relatively severe, compared with the previous indefinite extended detention, our family can see more hope. ... I hope my seriously ill mother can be released from prison as soon as possible and receive medical treatment. I also hope the prison will guarantee my mother's basic human rights and the right to see a doctor."

Sri Lanka's Education Ministry has expressed regret over the attack on the protest launched by school teachers and principals in Pelawatte, Battaramulla, on Tuesday.

The Education Ministry said that such an incident taking place at a time when teachers, and principals were seeking solutions to their issues, was regrettable.

A statement added that the incident took place when the Education Minister was overseas for a conference, and it added that the Minister had expressed his apology to the teachers and principals who were severely inconvenienced by it.

On Tuesday afternoon, school teachers, principals, and advisors engaged in a protest march, citing several demands.

Sri Lanka police fired tear gas and water cannons to disperse the protesters.

Dozens of residents from a fishing area in north-central Vietnam this week have protested the building of a port project, despite police launching a criminal investigation of them for disturbing public order, demonstrators said.

On Wednesday, Thanh Hoa provincial authorities mobilized dozens of police officers to force protesting fisherfolk — mostly women — to leave the construction site where a dock is being built, one of the sources said. Though they stayed, police did not take any measures against them and left the area at noon.

About 300 residents of Hai Ha commune first took to the streets on the morning of Oct. 23 with banners and placards to show their opposition to the Long Son Container Port project, which they say will adversely affect their livelihoods and living environment.

“We don’t want the Long Son Container Port project because it is located in the coastal area we inherited from our ancestors, and it has been passed down from generation to generation,” said a villager on Wednesday who declined to be named out of fear of reprisal by authorities.

Fishing provides the only income to cover her family’s expenditures, including her children’s education expenses, she said.

“If the port is built, residents like us will be adversely affected by pollution, and there will be no places for our boats to anchor and no places for us to trade seafood,” she said.

Generating income

Long Son Ltd. Co. is investing more than US$30 million to build the 15-hectare (37-acre) project, which will have a 250-meter (820-foot) dock. It is expected to be operational in 2025.

The project will play a crucial role in the development of the first dedicated container port area at Nghi Son Port, according to state-run Vietnam News Agency. Once Dock No. 3 is built, it will serve as a dike against waves and winds and create a 10-hectare (33-foot) water area for local fishermen to safely anchor their boats.

The port is expected to generate revenue and jobs in Thanh Hoa province, including Hai Ha commune.

State media reported that Thanh Hoa provincial authorities conducted thorough studies and environmental assessments as well as consulted local people on the project. But the woman said representatives of the authorities only went around to people’s homes to try to persuade them not to oppose the project and its implementation.

The protest on Oct. 23 prompted Nghi Son town police to file charges against them for obstructing traffic and causing a kilometer-long (0.6 mile) vehicle backup.

Police at the scene took photos of the protesters, recorded videos and collected other information, some villagers involved in the demonstration said.

Police also issued an order requiring Hai Ha residents to adhere to the law and not to gather in groups to disrupt public order, incite others, or be enticed to obstruct the construction of Dock No. 3 of the Long Son Container Port project.

Threatened with arrest

Police threatened them with arrest for disrupting public order — which carries a sentence of up to seven years in prison — if they continued.

Hai Ha commune includes nearly 3,000 households with about 11,000 inhabitants, most of whom rely on fishing to make a living. The villagers say they fear that port officials will cut off their access to the waters where they fish and prohibit them from anchoring their boats.

Villagers ignored the police order and continued their protest on Tuesday and Wednesday, hoping to prevent the dock’s construction.

The woman quoted above said that the villagers are not afraid of going to jail because they don’t want to lose their home beach.

But if they have to relocate as a result of a loss of livelihoods, villagers will expect satisfactory compensation and a new living area with spaces to safely anchor their boats, she said.

“We staged a march and did not offend anyone or did not cause any harm,” she said. “None of us offended the police. We followed the traffic law, [and] we walked on the roadside and stayed in rows.”

The port will join four other industrial projects surrounding the 1,200-hectare (2,965-acre) commune. The others are a cement factory, a port for coal transportation in the north, a thermal power plant in the west, and a steel factory in the south.

Though the projects have created jobs for locals, they have also created serious environmental pollution, negatively affecting residents’ lives, a second woman said.

Over the past weeks, innumerable protests – some impromptu, many by Muslim organisations and a few by rights organisations – have been organised across many big and small cities in India. These protests, largely peaceful, have raised citizen’s voices against what is seen as Israel’s siege and relentless bombing of Gaza. Indian law enforcement authorities from Mumbai to Uttar Pradesh (UP) to Delhi have however, in many cases taken “action.”

The issue at stake is the denial of permissions to several groups countrywide who have expressed a desire to protest this issue. Starting with the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7, the violence in West Asia has so far claimed the lives of 1,400 Israelis and over 5,100 Palestinians. According to Gaza’s Ministry of Health, about 40% of the Palestinians killed are children. And like in the rest of the world, Indians in several cities have been wanting to protest but have been denied the right. Where they have, in many instances, the protest has been criminalised.

October 23, 2023, Delhi

The Telegraph reported that students from JNU, Jamia Millia Islamia and Delhi University detained as they try to hold protest near Israeli embassy and police had erected barricades to stop them from reaching the embassy at Dr APJ Abdul Kalam Road. The report detailed that scores of students from JNU, Jamia Millia Islamia and Delhi University had gathered to take part in the protest. Police had erected barricades to stop them from reaching the embassy at Dr APJ Abdul Kalam Road. When some of the students tried to march towards the embassy, they were detained as they did not have the required permission to hold the protest, said a police officer, adding that “no one was allowed to violate law and order”. All India Students Association (AISA) Delhi unit president Abhigyan said several students were detained and taken to a police station.

Chairperson and editor of https://smartkarnalinews.com/ Lankraj Dhamala received threat for reporting news on October 20. The incident took place in Kalikot district, Karnali Province.

Editor Dhamala shared with Freedom Forum that he had reported on the province's Raskot municipality's ineffective service delivery and mismanagement of the municipality's property and published the ground reporting video on October 9, 2023. After 11 days, an abusive post on municipality chief's secretariat's social media page was found targetting Dhamala. Following this, Mayor's relatives also threatened Dhamal through different phone numbers.

"If the threats continue, It will proceed with filing complaint at concerned authority", said Dhamala.

Freedom Forum is concerned over the threat issued to a journalist for his reporting. The municipality and its chief is urged to seek legitimate ways for any concern over published news content, rather than discrediting and abusing journalists. It is violation of press freedom.

A regime-controlled court in Indaw Township, upper Sagaing Region, sentenced a teacher volunteering for the publicly mandated anti-junta National Unity Government (NUG) to life imprisonment last week, according to resistance sources.

Hein Min Thu, also known as Arnold, was teaching at a school operated by the NUG in Kyaw village two miles south of Indaw before his arrest. He was also a participant in the civil disobedience movement (CDM), known for organising strikes opposing the Myanmar military regime since it seized power in February 2021, the Indaw Township People’s Defence Team (PDT) said.

He was arrested at his home in Indaw on June 5, according to the Indaw Township PDT, and was handed his sentence on October 20.

The military subjected Hein Min Thu to interrogation, holding him for five months before convicting him on terrorism charges for collecting funds for the NUG, teaching at an NUG-operated school and failing to inform the authorities about resistance groups’ activities, according to propaganda posts on pro-regime social media channels.

The pro-junta posts also claimed that military courts in Sagaing Region have sentenced 283 people.

“The terrorist military council charges and tortures people in all kinds of ways in order to maintain their power. We will be able to put an end to such abuses only after the military dictatorship falls,” said NUG deputy minister of education Sai Khaing Myo Tun.

Since the military coup nearly three years ago, regime authorities have arrested more than 380 teachers participating in the CDM, according to figures published this month by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

Aung Myat Moe, a secretary of the Basic Education General Strike Committee, confirmed that the military council is purposefully targeting educational workers who joined the CDM and handing them excessively severe sentences.

“They are trying to weaken the education and health workers’ civil disobedience mechanism, which is currently strong. They are also approaching individual teachers, trying to persuade them to renounce their participation. The reason for giving a teacher a life sentence is intimidation; their message is that if you keep doing this, the consequences will be disastrous,” he said.

In December of 2022, a junta court handed a death sentence to a 25-year-old primary school teacher participating in the CDM from Myan Aung Township, Ayeyarwady Region. The court had found him guilty of murder and terrorism.

Jakarta Police Chief Inspector General Karyoto explained that the police's decision to detain several students who were about to join the protest on Jalan Medan Merdeka Selatan on Friday was a preventive measure to avoid provocation.

"At the beginning, there was information that it was feared that among the students there were people who intended to wreak havoc," said Karyoto on Jalan Medan Merdeka Barat, Jakarta, Friday (20/10).

He said that protesters whose intention was only to protest would only carry banners of demands or similar objects and obey the command of their field coordinator.

Meanwhile, if protesters are caught carrying toothpaste, which is usually used to protect the eyes from irritation when exposed to tear gas, it shows that there are bad intentions.

"If so, it means there are bad intentions, so we detained them for further questioning," said Karyoto.

He also said that some of the students who were detained were underage and not yet in a position to participate in such protests.

However, Karyoto emphasized that all students who were detained had been released after questioning by the police.

Previously, police detained 12 students who arrived at Gondangdia Station, Central Jakarta, before they could join the group of protesters who gathered on Jalan Medan Merdeka Barat on Friday afternoon.

The 12 students were released and returned to their colleagues at the location of the action at 19.00 WIB after a dialogue between the protesters and the main expert of the Presidential Staff Office (KSP) Joanes Joko. Police said they were taken to the police station.

Previously, students who were arrested by the police only wore black T-shirts without wearing university alma maters as identity. "Once again, if you don't wear the alma mater uniform, please step back. Enough is enough," said one of the police officers on Jalan Medan Merdeka Barat, Central Jakarta, Friday (20/10/2023). The arrested student was suspected of trying to break through.

"Those who enter to incite us, please step back, please step back, there will be time for negotiations. Please step back," continued the police through a loudspeaker. Not long after that, representatives of the students for the audience were asked to enter the safe area.

Chaos occurred when the released students were escorted back to their colleagues by Joanes and the police.

One of the released students was then given the opportunity to speak. In his oration, he admitted that he was apprehended with his colleagues after arriving at the station.

Protesters from the Student Executive Boards of various universities began to gather and express their opinions in front of the Arjuna Wiwaha Horse Statue at around 15.30 WIB. After exceeding the time limit for the protest at 18.00 WIB, they dispersed from the location of the protest at around 19.45 WIB.

The Phnom Penh Appeal Court today upheld the convictions of eight current and former unionists from the Labor Rights Supported Union of Khmer Employees of NagaWorld (LRSU).

Nine activists, including union President Chhim Sithar, were convicted of incitement under Articles 494 and 495 of the Criminal Code by the Phnom Penh Municipal Court in May 2023. Eight of the activists appealed the verdict. They included Sithar, who received the maximum sentence of two years in prison; Chhim Sokhorn, Hay Sopheap, Kleang Soben, Sun Srey Pich and Touch Sereymeas, who were sentenced to 18 months in prison; and Sok Narith and Ry Sovandy, who received one-year suspended sentences.

The Appeal Court trial started this morning. The court announced its verdict upholding the lower court’s judgment in full this afternoon after deliberating for 30 minutes. Sok Kongkea, who was also convicted by the Phnom Penh Municipal Court and received a suspended sentence, did not appeal the lower court’s verdict.

LRSU members have been on strike since December 2021, after the NagaWorld casino laid off the entire LRSU leadership and many of its members. The unionists were arrested in December 2021 and January 2022, and held in pre-trial detention until March 2022. Sithar was arrested again in November 2022 for allegedly violating judicial supervision conditions. She has since been detained in Prey Sar’s Correctional Centre 2. The other activists will remain under judicial supervision until all appeal avenues are exhausted.

When Jonila Castro and Jhed Tamano were abducted last month while volunteering with fishing communities opposed to reclamation activities in Manila Bay, human rights groups suspected the state was involved.

When the security forces claimed the pair had surrendered as communist rebels, their contemporaries believed they had been forced into doing so but were unable to prove it.

At a government-organised news conference, they got their answer.

Rather than going along with the official story, Castro, 23, and Tamano, 22, shocked everyone by announcing they had been abducted by military officers who had forced them to surrender.

“They were confident we would lie to the public,” Castro told Al Jazeera. “The important thing was for the public to know the truth.”

The two activists filed for a legal protection order after speaking publicly.

In the court filing, they accused military members of forcing them into an SUV, blindfolding them, and subjecting them to eight days of interrogation. Facing death threats from their captors, the two women were often brought to tears and feared for their lives.

“I was hoping we could get out alive,” Castro said. “But there was a possibility it wasn’t going to happen.”

The military has maintained that Castro and Tamano were not abducted, but kidnapped by the communist New People’s Army (NPA) before escaping and surrendering to the military. It filed perjury charges against the two activists on Wednesday.

“There is no abduction based on the duo’s sworn statement,” army spokesperson Col Xerxes Trinidad told Al Jazeera, citing documentation that “they surrendered and sought the assistance of the military for them [to] be reintegrated into mainstream society”.

Rare insight The accounts of Castro and Tamano, who spoke to Al Jazeera about their experience, provide a rare insight into the alleged abduction of activists in the Philippines.

At least 18 community organisers and activists have been abducted since President Ferdinand Marcos Jr took office in June 2022. Most of the time, the victims “don’t surface, or they parrot the narrative forced upon them by the state”, said Dino de Leon, the lawyer for Tamano and Castro.

Many activists are pressured into surrendering after being “red-tagged” or falsely branded as rebels affiliated with the NPA, which has been fighting against the government for more than 50 years. Most never dare to speak out against state security forces.

“I was really nervous,” Tamano recalled, thinking before the news conference. “I knew that it was something that is usually not done.”

Before they disappeared, the activists were volunteering with AKAP Ka Manila Bay in Bataan, about three hours’ drive from Manila. The group opposes land reclamation projects in Manila Bay that have stoked concern over their environmental impact and the involvement of Chinese investors.

Marcos said in August he would suspend the reclamation projects pending further environmental review, but ships have continued dredging the bay.

Bataan, which lies across the bay from the capital, is a “grey area” where reliable data on land reclamation has not been collected by environmental groups, said Aldrein Silanga, an advocacy officer with the Manila-based environmental NGO Kalikasan PNE.

After arriving in Bataan, Castro and Tamano said they discovered several projects that began during coronavirus lockdowns without the knowledge of nearby communities. They even witnessed one village being demolished after residents refused an offer of cash compensation and were forced to leave.

They quickly realised they were being watched when they were approached multiple times by a man who photographed them and accused them of being communist rebels. Castro’s mother, Rosalie, was visited at her home by men identifying themselves as military officers and asking about her daughter.

“Any advocates against the reclamation are being red-tagged,” Castro said.

Castro and Tamano were walking to a bus stop on September 2 when they were abducted by armed men wearing face masks, who forced them into an SUV when they tried to run away.

At first, the pair were unsure who had abducted them. But one man knew Castro’s name and mentioned that her mother was looking for her, leading her to suspect the military.

The abductors interrogated the two women in separate rooms, according to the court filing, threatening to use physical violence and to arrest them on charges of rebellion. One told Tamano: “We will cut out your tongue if you do not speak.”

“I thought they were going to shoot me that night,” Castro said. “I was blindfolded. Our hands were tied. I was waiting for a bullet to be shot at me.”

The pair were kept in a motel in separate rooms, with five to six men in each, and continuously interrogated, according to the court filing. On the third day, Castro was given a form with the stamp of the 70th Infantry Battalion.

One of the abductors showed Castro his graduation picture from the military academy, while another shared a video from an encounter with rebels. “It was really obvious” they were members of the military, Castro said.

‘They were exposed’ On September 12, the military announced that Castro and Tamano had surrendered, claiming they were abducted by communist rebels after working with AKAP Ka, which they claimed was linked to front organisations of the NPA.

According to the military, the pair had realised the error of their ways — a common narrative in surrenders allegedly forced by the military. “They wanted us to tell the people that what we are doing is wrong,” Castro said.

Trinidad, the military spokesperson, said the statements were made voluntarily and were not given under duress.

But when the government called a news conference on September 19, Castro and Tamano decided to deviate from that narrative, even if it meant they would be arrested or face other consequences.

“We reached an agreement that it didn’t matter what would happen to us,” Tamano said. “It was the only opportunity where we could tell the truth.”

Castro, sitting alongside a military officer and a member of the government’s anti-communist task force, went off script, saying they had been abducted by the military and “obliged to surrender because they threatened to kill us”.

Military officers told the two women they could face charges of perjury if they reneged on their surrender. The next day, the anti-communist task force said it felt “betrayed” and “hoodwinked”.

“We expected that they would become defensive because they were exposed,” Tamano said.

Castro and Tamano now face perjury charges filed by the Armed Forces of the Philippines, which can carry as many as 10 years in prison.

Defence Secretary Gilbert Teodoro accused the two women of being liars.

“The [military] filed criminal charges because we want to teach them a lesson that they can’t jerk us around,” he told reporters on Wednesday.

Trinidad, the army spokesperson, told Al Jazeera the military would cooperate with court proceedings and inquiries from the country’s Commission on Human Rights, but rejected calls for an independent investigation into the disappearances, saying the involvement of outside NGOs would be “a slap in the face on our judiciary system”.

Last month, rights groups accused the military of abducting three Indigenous activists investigating alleged human rights violations in the central Mindoro region. The Philippine Army said they were arrested legitimately.

De Leon, who also represents jailed Senator Leila de Lima, said the international community “must be involved” in pressuring the Philippine military to institute human rights reforms. The United States is a key defence partner of the Philippines and recently concluded two weeks of joint military drills with the country’s armed forces.

“There are no institutions [in the Philippines] strong enough to counterbalance state elements who author things like this,” de Leon said.

Castro and Tamano want to return to Bataan and continue their work, but they worry it is not safe. Still, their ordeal has only cemented their resolve.

“It made us realise that what we are doing is right,” Castro said.

A court in Hong Kong on Wednesday handed down a four-year jail term for “rioting” to a protester who was shot in the chest by police during the 2019 protest movement.

Tsang Chi-kin, who was 18 when he was shot by an officer on Oct. 1, 2019, during protests on the 70th anniversary of Chinese Communist Party rule, was given a 40-month jail sentence for "rioting" and a seven-month sentence for "assaulting a police officer."

Tsang, now 22, was also handed an 11-month sentence for "perverting the course of justice," but also received a 35% sentence deduction for expressing remorse, and for actively assisting the police in their investigations, Deputy District Judge Ada Yim told the district court.

Multiple media reports and social media accounts posted video showing protesters flailing at armed riot police with batons and sticks during clashes in the New Territories town of Tsuen Wan.

The officer is shown in the video pointing a handgun at Tsang, a secondary school student at the time, before a shot rings out and the boy slumps to the ground.

Social media posts from the scene on Tsuen Wan's Hau Tei Square said Tsang shouted out: "My chest hurts a lot," adding his full name and identity card number before being taken away by ambulance.

The shooting sparked widespread condemnation of the police and their handling of the months-long protest movement, in which predominantly young people thronged the streets and occupied the city's legislature and airport in a bid to end the erosion of their promised freedoms under Chinese rule.

Sought asylum

Tsang went into hiding for two years after a failed bid to seek asylum at the U.S. Consulate in Hong Kong. He told journalists that his rejected attempt had plunged him "into hell," prompting him to hide from the authorities.

He later pleaded guilty to all charges, citing depression and health problems from the gunshot injury, but Judge Yim said this wasn't taken as a mitigating factor.

"Tsang Chi-kin came well-prepared with a homemade shield and a metal baton," Yim told the sentencing hearing. "He and other demonstrators pursued a lone police officer and relied on the strength of their numbers to use violence, which was of a vile nature."

Tsang, who skipped bail following his initial arrest, told the court that he was "extremely confused" by the prevailing political atmosphere in 2019, and had made "wrong decisions" that he later came to regret.

He also cited his "active cooperation" and testimony as a witness for the prosecution.

However, Yim said the protesters' actions were premeditated, and that demonstrators in the area had thrown petrol bombs, bricks and committed arson, risking injury to police and passers-by.

She said the sentence had to act as a deterrent, and show the court's determination to safeguard public order.

Silent protest

As Tsang received his sentence, the city's police force was out on the streets and on university campuses trying to recruit new officers, sparking a silent protest from a student at a university in Shatin.

Police recruiters faced off on the campus of Hang Seng University with a student who held up a placard scrawled with the words: "Where were you on July 21, 2019?" in a reference to a delayed police response to mob attacks on protesters and train passengers at Yuen Long MTR station.

The city’s police force, which quashed a critical report from an international panel of experts on its handling of the 2019 protests, has struggled in recent years to find fresh recruits.

Despite being allocated huge amounts of fresh funding in the wake of the 2019 protest movement, the force has been struggling to fill its additional vacancies, thousands of which have been filled by allowing officers to work past the usual retirement age of 55.

A protest leader from Sagaing Region’s Chaung-U Township was sentenced to an additional 11 years in prison on terror charges on Wednesday, according to a source close to his family.

Man Zar Myay Mon was handed the sentence by a special court at Sagaing’s Monywa Prison, where he is currently being held.

“He was given another 11 years on terrorism charges, in addition to the 10 years he has already received for five violations of Section 505 of the Penal Code,” said the source, referring to a colonial-era law against incitement.

Prison authorities also plan to prosecute Man Zar Myay Mon on charges related to his participation in a hunger strike held at Monywa Prison in September, the source added.

Around 50 political prisoners took part in the strike, which was held to protest repressive conditions inside the prison, according to the Monywa People’s Strike Steering Committee.

A member of Sagaing Region’s National League for Democracy (NLD) youth chapter, Man Zar Myay Mon was shot in the leg while attempting to evade arrest on June 8, 2021. During five days of interrogation, his fingers were also broken.

In March 2015, he faced a brutal crackdown while taking part in student-led protests in the town of Letpadan in Bago Region. He also tried to run in the 2020 general election as the NLD candidate for Chaung-U, but did not receive the party nomination.

He has also worked as a freelance journalist and is a Sagaing Region member of the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative.

According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 19,593 people remain in prison for opposing the regime that seized power in February 2021.

Former political prisoner beaten for posting video of government staff refusing license registration

Former Tibetan political prisoner and language rights activist Tashi Wangchuk was detained and beaten by Chinese police personnel on 17 October after he posted a video of government staff refusing his request for business license registration.

Tashi Wangchuk opened a car wash shop on 17 October in Yushu City, and upon the local police’s instruction, went to the Yushu City People's Government to apply for a license for his new business. His request was refused, which he filmed and later posted as status on his WeChat account.

He was then arrested by the Urban Management and Law Enforcement Bureau ( 城管执法大队 ) and handed over to the Yushu City Public Security Bureau ( PSB ), where he was kept under detention for three days and subjected to interrogation. The head of Yushu PSB and the Vice Mayor, Zhi Husai ( 冶胡赛 ), brutally beat him, and Tashi’s shop was also forcibly shut down.

He was told that he had committed a crime against the state by posting the video on his WeChat. " But I can’t accept it because it’s my right and freedom of speech. I don’t know why they [the police] again put such a black-hat on my head ( meaning falsely accusing someone of wrongdoing ).”

Earning a livelihood remains increasingly difficult for former political prisoners who are also deprived of their political rights. Even after their release from prison, they are subjected to constant surveillance and harassment by security officials.

Tashi Wangchuk is a herder-turned-shopkeeper who came to international prominence in late 2015 after appearing in the New York Times’ article and documentary about his solo advocacy to file a lawsuit against local authorities after local Tibetan classes were shut down. Even after serving a five-year sentence, he still continues advocating for the Tibetan language at government offices and monitoring schools that are replacing Tibetan textbooks in favor of Chinese. A month ago, he was attacked by a group of unidentified, masked men after he posted a video of himself near a Tibetan school.

Hong Kong police have arrested a former pro-democracy member of the city's District Council and prison welfare activist -- amid calls for a boycott of forthcoming district elections, which are open to "patriots only."

Derek Chu, a 46-year-old former directly elected councilor who resigned in 2021 before being forced to take an oath of loyalty to the Hong Kong and Chinese governments, was arrested in Shatin on Tuesday on suspicion of breaching the city's mandatory pension law, police told the paper.

His arrest comes as the government moves ahead with an "election" process that will slash the number of directly elected seats on the District Council by 80%, while ensuring that almost nobody in the city's once-vibrant opposition camp will stand for election again, the result of ongoing arrests of pro-democracy figures and rule changes requiring political vetting.

"At about 12 noon, Derek Chu was taken to an office at Manulife Plaza in Kwun Tong by the police for evidence collection," the report said. "He was later taken to a food store in W Plaza in Mong Kok and Fuk Keung Industrial Building in Tai Kok Tsui for investigation."

Those locations are linked to Chu's "Migratory Bird" platform to support prisoners, which raised money via the As One online shopping platform – part of the "yellow economic circle of pro-democracy businesses" – to support his prison work.

He is currently being held by the Sham Shui Po Crime Division pending further investigation, after his home was also searched and documents confiscated, the paper reported.

Chu was a member of the last directly elected District Council, which saw a landslide victory for pro-democracy candidates amid record turnout that was widely seen as a ringing public endorsement of the 2019 protest movement.

He resigned his seat along with many like-minded colleagues amid an ongoing crackdown on dissent under a national security law imposed on the city by Beijing from July 2020.

'Patriots' only

The government later changed the Legislative Council electoral rules to ensure only "patriots" loyal to Beijing could stand as candidates or hold any kind of public office, prompting record-low turnout of 30.2% in Legislative Council elections in December 2021 compared with more than 70% in the last District Council poll.

Officials then rewrote the District Council poll rules in May, citing a "disastrous" result in the 2019 election, sparking calls from overseas activists for a boycott of the forthcoming poll on Dec. 10.

"Abandon illusions, boycott this fake election," read an Oct. 16 statement on Facebook signed by dozens of former pro-democracy councilors.

"We, the last district councilors to be elected by the citizens of Hong Kong, solemnly declare that we will not recognize these so-called elections run by the Communist regime of Hong Kong, and call on all citizens of Hong Kong to boycott the election and the councilors it produces," the statement said.

It said candidates wishing to take part have to run a complex gamut of vetting from support for nomination to a slew of official recommendation letters to political background checks, "all of which runs counter to the democratic spirit," warning that anyone who makes it to the list of candidates is "purely a permitted cheerleader for the regime."

It said the government also looks set to use the "election" as an opportunity to engage in "the political brainwashing of minors."

"This so-called election will actually take place under military totalitarian rule, and can have no fairness or legitimacy," the councilors wrote.

Australia-based former pro-democracy lawmaker Ted Hui, who signed the statement, said the forthcoming poll is a "huge step backwards for democracy" in Hong Kong.

"Most of the seats will be controlled by the government," Hui said. "We believe that it would be best for citizens to totally refuse to take part, to boycott [the election]."

'Huge step backwards'

Some parties in the democratic camp have said they will field candidates, though it remains to be seen if their bid for candidacy will be accepted.

The Democratic Party has said it hopes to field six candidates, and the Association of Democracy and People's Livelihood wants to field two.

But Hui said this could send a dangerous signal about complicity with the authorities, who have told opposition parties to give up any hope of “Western-style democracy” in the city.

"One or two [pro-democracy candidates] might pass the test and get nominated, but this will do great harm, because it shows the people of Hong Kong that they agree with this huge step backwards for democracy," he said.

Former district councilor Sam Yip, who also signed the statement, said it was naive of pro-democracy parties to imagine it was worth contesting such elections.

"It helps to whitewash these elections, which are illegal, unfair and inconsistent with the whole concept of democracy," Yip said. "Their actions are actually ruining democracy."

'A screening process'

Secretary for Home and Youth Affairs Alice Mak, asked if the government is expecting turnout to fall in this year's poll, said it wasn't the most important thing.

"We should not just look at the turnout in District Council elections, [which can be] affected by many factors, such as the weather, including whether it rains that day, whether there is a typhoon in the summer, and whether the weather will be too cold," Mak said.

"The most important thing is how to find patriots who sincerely serve the community and citizens through the electoral system," she said.

Former Hong Kong Island Eastern District councilor Derek Ngai, who also resigned to avoid taking his oath, said democrats faced with the oath of loyalty requirement feared being required to pay back two years of salary if their oaths were rejected.

"If we hadn't resigned, we could have wound up getting disqualified, which ... could mean serious consequences like being asked to pay back your salary," Ngai told Radio Free Asia on Wednesday.

He said the new election rules will slash the proportion of directly elected seats on the council from 100% to just 20%, with a much more grueling set of vetting processes and bureaucratic hoops for prospective candidates to jump through than in the past.

"We expected the Hong Kong government to take back control of the council, but they have set a lot of hurdles on the remaining 20% [of directly elected] seats."

"It doesn't feel like an election so much as a screening process packaged as an election," Ngai said.

Several student-led protests have broken out across universities in Uttar Pradesh after University of Allahabad proctor Rakesh Singh launched a violent attack on student Vivek Kumar, who is from a Dalit community, last week.

In a video circulating on social media, the accused, Rakesh Singh, can be seen snatching a lathi from a policeman and hitting the student while he raises slogans against the proctor. Kumar tries to shield himself but Singh continues hitting him and stops only when the policemen intervene.

Former MA student and All India Student Association (AISA) unit president Vivek Kumar believes the October 17 attack stems from a place of discrimination and bias towards marginalised communities. “Unfortunately,” he says, “No action has been taken against the chief proctor, as has been the case with all such incidents in the past.”

“We were leading the protest for a number of reasons and we had some demands which in my opinion were quite reasonable,” he says, “but the chief proctor became absolutely furious and started hitting me. I was shocked, I had not expected that.”

Several students along with Kumar marched up to the local police station and spent eight hours trying to get the police to lodge a first information report (FIR) against Singh, but were unsuccessful. “Former IPS officer Amitabh Thakur sir was also accompanying us but even with his help we couldn’t get the police to lodge an FIR.”

The protest that got the chief proctor riled up was part of an agitation which gained momentum when the university implemented a staggering 400% fee hike last year.

“Three students who were leading the movement against the fee increase – Ajay Yadav Samrat, Satyam Kushwaha, and Jeetendra Dhanraj – were suspended and jailed about three months ago,” Kumar said.

“And two more students Harendra Yadav and Manish Kumar had been suspended for other reasons. Harendra Yadav is now not even being permitted to sit for exams which goes against the basic rights of students. In the history of this institution even if someone has been in jail, they’ve been released on parole to come and sit for exams.”

The demands at the latest protest, Kumar said, were that of the release of the three students from jail, lifting of the suspension of all students, and permission to sit for exams for Harendra Yadav, among other demands.

“But after the attack, one more demand has been added and that is the suspension of the proctor Rakesh Singh,” he said.

Vive Kumar, who is from Baramadpur, said this is not his first encounter with proctor Rakesh Singh.

“When I lived in the hostel, the superintendent was Rakesh Singh. During the first week when the beds were allotted and the list came out, it showed only nine out of 112 were Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe. When I questioned it and said it should be at least 25-26 students according to the reservation, he got very angry and warned me to keep my concerns to myself or he’d remove me from the hostel as well.”

Kumar believes the hostel incident had the proctor harbouring a grudge against him which has added fuel to the fire. “I think he dislikes me for taking a stand on issues.”

He says he’s seen a pattern of discrimination not just towards Dalits but also towards students from Scheduled Tribes, minorities, and women.

“Women are barred from entering the university premises on weekends which is highly inconvenient for them, they just want to study. The authorities cite the issue of security as reason but if that’s so then something should be done about it.”

The access to the library, Kumar says, has also been a big point of protest with students demanding the library be made open and accessible 24 hours a day.

“The library currently closes at 6 pm which means some students don’t have a proper place to study after that time. We have been fighting to get the hours increased but no one’s heard our plea.”

The deteriorating state of infrastructure, unsanitary toilets, and impure drinking water are some other points which have often been raised by concerned students but all requests, Kumar says, have fallen on deaf ears.

“These days it seems that if you raise your voice against even the most basic things, you’ll either be suspended or jailed.

“In the history of this university, there has always been some or the other issue that students have been dissatisfied with and have protested against, and authorities have heard their demands and often tried to resolve issues. But of late, there has been growing intolerance towards protests.”

Students of Lucknow University and Banaras Hindu University have shown solidarity with Vivek Kumar and have come out in huge numbers, demanding the suspension of accused Rakesh Singh.

Lucknow University student and National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) student representative Vishal Singh said several students from AISA, NSUI, and other unions gathered on campus on October 18 to condemn the “disgusting assault” by Rakesh Singh.

“We want to see some action being taken, authorities shouldn’t take the case lightly just because he’s a Dalit,” Vishal Singh said.

The Lucknow student believes while Allahabad University and Lucknow University are two different institutions, the issues faced by the students are quite the same.

“The situation is such that you can’t speak out against anything now. Just to give an example, the residents of the girls’ hostel were told that if they posted anything on social media that shows the university in a bad light then they will have to pay a fine and will be asked to vacate the hostel,” Singh says.

He says students are always being issued show-cause notices for various reasons. “We don’t even have the freedom of expression anymore.”

Vishal Singh joined Vivek Kumar and other students in their protest in Allahabad on Thursday last week and plans to stay in the city to be a part of the movement.

The Wire contacted vice-chancellor Sangita Srivastava’s office and registrar N.K. Shukla and is still waiting for a response.

The Ratchadapisek Criminal Court has found three activists guilty of insult of court and sentenced them to prison for speeches given during a protest in April 2021 to demand the release of political prisoners.

Bencha Apan, Nutchanon Pairoj, and Somyot Pruksakasemsuk were charged with insult of court, joining a gathering of more than 10 people and not dispersing when ordered by an official, using a sound amplifier without permission, and violation of the Emergency Decree, for joining a protest in front of the Criminal Court on 30 April 2021 to demand the release of political prisoners detained pending trial on royal defamation charges.

On 30 April 2021, a crowd gathered at the Criminal Court throughout the afternoon and evening when Sureerat Chiwarak, mother of activist Parit Chiwarak, filed a bail request of her son, at the time detained pending trial on a royal defamation charge and on hunger strike. To protest the repeated denial of bail for Parit, Sureerat shaved her head in the court parking lot. That evening, other activists also shaved their heads to support her and to demand bail for Parit.

The public prosecutor indicted them on the grounds that they insulted the judges involved by accusing them of unlawfully and unfairly denying bail for detained activists, causing hatred against the Court and the presiding judges.

Bencha, Nutchanon, and Somyot’s defence was that they were exercising their constitutional right to protest, and that the gathering did not cause any disorder or risk spreading Covid-19. Their speeches also did not mention specific judges but criticised the judicial process as a whole for denying bail to political prisoners.

Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) said today (17 October) that the Criminal Court found them guilty of insult of court, as the court found their speeches to be insulting and degrading to the court’s use of discretion, and so not did not constitute criticism made in good faith.

Benja and Nutchanon were sentenced to 3 years in prison and a fine of 30,000 baht for insult of court. They were also sentenced to 6 months in prison and a fine of 15,000 baht for violation of the Emergency Decree, as well as a fine of 100 bath for using a sound amplifier without permission. Because they gave useful testimony, the Court reduced their total sentence to 1 year and 8 months in prison and a fine of 30,100 baht each. Their prison sentence is suspended for two years. They are also required to report to a probation officer 4 times during the first year and perform any community service required by the probation officer.

Somyot was sentenced to 2 years and 8 months in prison for insult of court. His sentence was later reduced to 1 year, 8 months, and 40 days in prison. He was later granted bail using a security of 100,000 baht.

Benja and Nutchanon were both charged with contempt of court for the same protest after a complaint was filed against them Chawannat Thongsom, Director of the Administrative Office of the Criminal Court, who said they acted rudely on court grounds and violated court regulations. Nuthchanon was sentenced to 2 months in prison, while Benja was given a 500-baht fine. The Appeal Court later reduced his sentence to 15 days.

Benja and Nutchanon were also charged with insult of court and contempt of court for a protest at the Criminal Court on 29 April 2021 demanding the release of detained activists. For the contempt of court charge, Benja was sentenced to 6 months in prison, the highest possible sentence, while Nutchanon was sentenced to 4 months in prison. The Appeal Court later reduce their sentences to 1 month.

Local sources have confirmed the tragic death of a young social activist who succumbed to torture while in a Taliban prison. The sources, speaking to Hasht-e Subh on Tuesday, October 17th, verified that the victim was Matiullah Fathzada, who passed away due to his injuries two days prior while in Taliban custody.

According to these sources, Matiullah had been arrested by the Taliban approximately a year and a half ago for sharing pictures of the National Resistance Front forces on his Facebook profile. He was a well-known figure in the Omarz district of Panjshir province and resided in the Khairkhana area of Kabul city. Importantly, he had no affiliations with any particular group, emphasizing his status as an independent activist.

As of now, Taliban officials have not released any comments regarding this incident.

It is noteworthy that since their resurgence to power, the Taliban have detained, imprisoned, and in some cases, executed hundreds of residents from northern provinces, particularly Panjshir province. These actions stem from accusations of collaboration with the National Resistance Front. In a recent incident, the group opened fire on a young man named Abdulaziz, a prominent figure from Panjshir, on Saturday, October 14th, following a verbal altercation in the Qala-e Fathullah area of Kabul city.

This heartbreaking event sheds light on the dire situation faced by activists and individuals critical of the Taliban regime in Kabul. The incident underscores the urgent need for international attention and intervention to protect human rights in Afghanistan during these challenging times.

Despite the intense police repression, the people of Kashipur have stood up against the Odisha Government coercively facilitating this project for Vedanta. We bring to you the developments of the last 24 hours from the night before the Public Hearing to the end of it. It was held today at Sunger High School premises in Kashipur Block of Rayagada district, Odisha.

Ø On the 15th night, armed police and paramilitary personnel began positioning themselves at the main roads leading to villages known to oppose the mining project. Roads were monitored by company-sponsored goons and a few local village youths. They seemed to have a list of names of media persons and political agents whom they should allow into the villages and used slang and rough language to intimidate and send back anyone outside the ‘list’. Even then, some youths seemingly with the company goons, helped activists and media persons enter the area.

Ø In the morning, women from Banteji village were beaten up by police on the way to the public hearing. They protested. Friends and supporters of the movement tweeted to the Chief Minister to stop the violence.

Ø People walked in with slogans, banners and placards. Strategically, they occupied the space in front of the podium and did not allow a single pro-company deposition to happen. More than 20 community members, including women, spoke loud and clear about their opposition to the proposed bauxite mining and cited reasons for this opposition.

Ø Addressing members of the Odisha State Pollution Control Board (OSPCB), district administration, police administration and Vedanta officials, people raised their voices against the ongoing police repression and the criminal role played by company-sponsored goons and agents. They narrated incidents of abuse, beating, forced entry into their houses, theft of cash, and harassment of women and girls both in their houses and in public at the local markets. They asserted that the repression was being carried out by company-sponsored goons at the forefront with the tacit support of the local police and paramilitary personnel. Leaders and community members demanded answers from the government about this state-corporate-police nexus but those organising the public hearing had no answers!

Ø As ordered by the High Court, two activists – Dibakar Sahu and Jitender Majhi -were escorted by police from the Raygada jail. They deposed at the public hearing against the proposed project.

Ø About the draft Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) report submitted by Vedanta, the chief concern expressed was that the report has deliberately hidden several facts about the ecological diversity and ecosystem of Sijimali. Villagers pointed out that Vedanta’s report does not mention the sacred abode of the supreme deity of the Kandha and Damba communities, Tiji Raja, and the annual rituals and festivals the local people perform at Sijimali hilltop in December every year. They also pointed out that the report has no mention of the 200-odd perennial streams that emerge from Sijimali or the dense forests on the hilltop that have diverse tree species like sal, tamarind, piya sal, aamla, harida, bahada and that the collection of siali leaves and honey is the major source of local peoples’ NTFP income. They pointed out that there is no mention of several sacred caves on Sijimali which are worshipped as abodes of animals whom the local people worship and hold rituals inside the caves to invoke the animal spirits every year. Some of the most important caves are Parapar and Baghpar. All those who deposed clearly mentioned that the EIA report does not mention about the local peoples’ cultural heritage and generations-old relationship with nature and the traditional community forest governance principles that they all practice to conserve the forests, lands, and mountains in Sijimali. The statements were loud and clear about the unconditional ban on mining at Sijimali and that Vedanta should go back.

Ø Keeping in line with the proactive media misinformation that has been happening since early August, some local media TV channels and reporters began to spread misinformation about the procedures and testimonies at the public hearing. They reported that the public hearing was cancelled due to law-and-order problems. Many even tried to create a narrative that several villagers demanded that Vedanta must open a local refinery if it wants to start bauxite mining in Sijimali.

Ø The ADM, Rayagada and ASP, Rayagada addressed the media that the public hearing was completed peacefully and with discipline; the ADM added that the process was successfully carried out and the report on the proceedings of the public hearing will be submitted to OSPCB soon. This has become the modus operandi. Stating that it ended peacefully despite the vibrant protest is but a claim that their ritual is over.

Ø However, today’s protest seems to have already set the tone for the next hearing. The Sijimali Bauxite Mining Project spreads over both Thuamul Rampur block in Kalahandi District and Kashipur block in Rayagada District. The public hearing for Thuamul Rampur block is scheduled at Kerpai High School premises on October 18th

Last night (15 October), members of the ultra-royalist group People’s Centre to Protect the Monarchy attacked a group of activists protesting in front of the Ratchadapisek Criminal Court to demand the release of political prisoners. They also threatened reporters livestreaming the protest and other bystanders.

At around 17.00 on Sunday evening (15 October), activist Mongkhon “Bas” Thirakot climbed onto the Criminal Court sign in protest, after his belongings went missing along with 5,000 baht in cash. Mongkhon has been living on the footpath in front of the court since 28 September, protesting the detention of pro-democracy activists. He said he was later told that city officials took his belongings, and that the police were told he was homeless.

Other activists and bystanders gathered in front of the Court. Police officers also came to negotiate with Mongkhon, asking him to go to the police station, but Mongkhon insisted on speaking to the city official who took his belongings and that the official returns his money.

At around 18.10, members of the People’s Centre to Protect the Monarchy arrived. One of the group members was carrying a metal rod, while another threw a water bottle at Mongkhon and threatened him.

The group also attacked other activists nearby. They ran at Chokdee Rompruk, a musician who has been protesting in front of the court and playing music, forcing him to pack up his belongings. One group member tried to attack him even though he was standing behind a police officer. Chokdee later said one of the men punched him in the face.

The men also threatened reporters and citizen journalists livestreaming the incident. Anon Klinkaew, Centre leader, threatened to attack Prachatai reporter Sarayut Tangprasert, who was livestreaming on his personal Facebook profile page due to a technical issue, if there was any “inaccurate report.” The man holding the metal rod also threatened Sarayut after he reported that the men were armed.

The men also threatened citizen journalist Paradorn Ketphuak, who was also livestreaming the incident. Paradorn told Prachatai that he was livestreaming when the police was speaking to Mongkhon when Centre members arrived. The man wearing a scarf with a camouflage pattern and holding a metal rod threatened to hit him if he continue livestreaming. Paradorn also saw the same man threaten Sarayut, even though he identified himself as a reporter and presented his press ID card.

Paradorn said he saw Mongkhon got off the sign and went into the Court parking lot after things were thrown at him. The group then went to harass Chokdee. Paradorn said a man wearing a blue shirt, who other group members call “Bang,” punched Chokdee and threatened him and other bystanders to get out of the area.

The men came back to the footpath after going to Paholyothin Police Station to report the incident. Group members said on a livestream on the People’s Centre to Protect the Monarchy’s Facebook page that, since the police had not been able to get Mongkhon to come down from the sign, they were taking care of it themselves.

Another livestream on the group’s Facebook page showed group members surrounding Paradorn, who was still livestreaming in front of the Court. Paradorn said he was waiting to make sure Mongkhon is safe, and that another citizen journalist left their camera with him, so he was waiting for them to come back for the camera. The men tried to make Paradorn leave. Anon tried to get a reaction out of him by ramming his body into Paradorn, who stood his ground and blocked the men with his arms.

An older man wearing a black face mask then tried to approach Paradorn, but was threatened by Anon and another group member. After someone shouted at them, the group went over to a man in green shirt standing with his motorcycle at the nearby bus stop. Insults were thrown from both sides, while a man in a blue shirt from the Centre tried to get the man to attack him. A voice was heard on the livestream telling the man in blue not to provoke the other person as it will put the group at a disadvantage.

A few minutes later, the man in blue shirt kicked the man in green and punched him. Anon held the man in green down while another man hit him with the metal rod. Meanwhile, the person livestreaming for the Centre turned the camera away. Other group members also pushed Paradorn and prevented him from recording the fight.

Paradorn said this is the third time this year that members of the People’s Centre to Protect the Monarchy harass him while covering a protest in front of the Criminal Court. He has filed a complaint with Paholyothin Police Station twice, but no progress has been made. He said that Chokdee and Mongkhon have filed a complaint against their attackers, and that he has also spoken to other attacked bystanders but is not sure whether they will press charges.

Police officers, court marshals, and court security guards were present during the incident. However, the police did not interfere until group members attacked the man in green. An older man with a face mask also later said that the man who was attacked is his son, who was only observing the incident.

About the Human Rights Defender: Mr. S. Kalidas has been working for the human rights of Dalits and Adivasis in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry. The HRD works with welfare organisations like Social Awareness Society for Youth (SASY) to develop the Dalit community. Background: About a year ago, HRD helped a Dalit woman, Munjuladevi, who had been sexually harassed by a person named Sakthivel (23), who belonged to a Vanniyar Community from Puthu Pallikozhi Street in Karuvandikuppam. The HRD accompanied the Dalit woman to the Laspet police station and helped her to lodge a complaint. The complaint was later retracted at the police station as the village elders and Sakthivel's relatives assured them that Sakthivel would not behave like this in the future. However, since the filing of the complaint, Sakthivel has repeatedly threatened the HRD for supporting the Dalit woman by making threatening phone calls. Details of the Incident: On October 14, 2023, Sakthivel called the HRD over the phone and threatened him. The HRD immediately informed Laspet police sub-inspector Anwar Pasha and narrated the incident. But no action was taken in this regard by the police officials. On the same day, at about 09.50 PM, Munjuladevi’s mother, Ms. Varalakshmi, contacted the HRD, stating that someone entered the house and started searching for her daughter. The HRD reached her home at Karuvadikuppam, 53, Mettu Street, Puducherry, at about 10.30 PM. At around 11.00 PM, six men led by Sakthivel entered Munjuladevi’s house and knocked on the door with knives. After breaking the door, they entered the house and brutally attacked HRD and Varalakshmi. They beat him using their firsts and stomped on his body. Sakthivel and an unidentified person attacked the HRD using a knife. He received 5 injuries, a cut on his head, ear, left hand middle finger and index finger and rights had middle finger and ring finger was cut off. On the right side of the ear and the head, he sustained cuts with the knife. Varalakshmi received a head injury when she was attacked with a knife. Seeing the pool of blood, the assailants fled from the crime scene.

At around 12.10 A.M on October 15, 2023 then, HRD was taken to Laspet police station by Dalit woman’s mother to register an FIR and seek protection of the police. Aggrieved by the inaction of the police, they left the police station for Puducherry Government Hospital. Because of the non-availability of doctors, he was shifted to BIMS private Hospital, Puducherry and later shifted to JIPMER Hospital in Puducherry. On October 15, 2023, at about 07.00 AM, the HRD was shifted to Puducherry government hospital and was treated in a critical condition in the special ward. He was discharged from the hospital on October 27, 2023. After that, he repeatedly approached the Laspet Police regarding the status of the investigation and filed representation seeking amendment of FIR as per provisions of the SC / ST (PoA) Act but no SC/ST Act was filed on the perpetrators. Sakthivel and six juvenile youth (names not disclosed by the police) were arrested by the police.

Students in Hyderabad, Telangana, were detained by the police for demonstrating in support of Palestinians on Friday, who are at war with Israel following unprecedented surprise attacks last Saturday which killed over 1300 Israelis.

The march was carried out by students belonging to two student organisations, namely, the Naujawan Bharat Sabha and the Disha Students’ Organisation (DSO), near the historic Dr BR Ambedkar Statue near the Lakdikapul area of the city. The students were detained and taken to the police station in Saifabad.

Hina Mercin, one of the protestors hailing from DSO, told The New Indian that it had only been five minutes since they had started protesting that they were “manhandled” and detained by the police. “We had just started sloganeering when the police arrived and detained us. They said that since elections are just around the corner, we had to inform them of the protest according to the Election Code,” Mercin said.

However, the protesting student also added that they had conducted such spontaneous protests before as well but it was the first time that they were being detained sans instigation. She said, “We have conducted protests before as well but this time they were scared of this protest. They told us that it was because of the Electoral Code procedures that we were being detained, but we suspect that there have been instructions from other authorities.”

Authorities have said that the students have now been released from police custody. “They were detained because there had been no permission granted to the demonstrators. Now, the demonstrators have been released. They had been released at 5 PM today.”

About Israel-Palestine War:

On October 7, Hamas led a large-scale offensive against Israel from the Gaza Strip. In response, Israel bombed the Gaza Strip with airstrikes.

As of October 13, over 1,300 Israeli soldiers have lost their lives, and another 3,200 have sustained injuries. The Israeli government has issued evacuation orders for 1.1 million people in Gaza.

Numerous casualties have been reported on both sides of the conflict. To date, Israel has deployed 6,000 bombs on Gaza. Additionally, Israel is fortifying its defences in proximity to the Gaza border.

A mainland Chinese student was imprisoned in Hong Kong for six months for “sedition” charges. Authorities recently released her on October 12th, when the Hong Kong government deported her to mainland China.

SEDITION 23-year-old Zeng Yuxuan was originally a PhD student studying law at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Zeng Yuxuan is the first mainland Chinese student to be imprisoned in Hong Kong over a sedition charge.

On January 1st this year, Zeng was accused of displaying a sketch of ‘The July 1 stabbing Incident’ suspect Leung Kin-fai outside the Sogo department store in Causeway Bay, Hong Kong. Police charged her with ‘committing acts with seditious intent’ for placing candles and flowers on the ground in mourning.

ARRESTED AGAIN After being granted bail, Zeng Yuxuan was arrested again on the eve of this year’s “June 4th.” She intended to unveil a giant banner featuring the “Pillar of Shame.” However, before the event, she was arrested and charged with “attempting to do an act with seditious intent.” The West Kowloon Magistrates’ Court sentenced her to six months.

PILLAR OF SHAME The “Pillar of Shame” depicts several twisted and tragic figures, symbolizing the casualties of the 1989 Tiananmen Square bloody crackdown. This copper statue was removed in 2021. Traditionally, the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China would send people yearly to clean the “Pillar of Shame” on the eve of the June 4th massacre. The leadership of the alliance was arrested in 2021 as well.

Ms. Tonyee Chow Hang-tung, a jailed Hong Kong pro-democracy activist and former leader of the Alliance said, “When the court says that displaying the Pillar of Shame is a crime, it is nailing itself on the pillar of shame.”

ZENG YUXUAN’S ACTIVISM Zeng Yuxuan once expressed her wish to “make a little change” for Hong Kong, claiming that “it’s our duty” to participate in the protests. She also held up white papers at Victoria Park in Hong Kong, in response to the “White Paper Movement/A4 Revolution” launched in Mainland China in opposition to the COVID-19 lockdowns.

On October 12, Zeng Yuxuan was released after serving her sentence, and the Hong Kong government deported her to China declaring her “persona non grata.”

HONG KONG WATCH The London-based human rights organization “Hong Kong Watch” expressed deep concern about Ms. Zeng’s circumstances upon her arrival in mainland China.

Hong Kong Watch’s statement indicates that the expulsion of Zeng Yuxuan reflects Beijing’s increasing control over Hong Kong. With Hong Kong’s judicial independence steadily declining, Hong Kong authorities are seen as following Beijing’s demands to execute their political agenda, with little regard for the rule of law. The rule of law and judicial independence in Hong Kong are deteriorating.

On October 12, journalists and media workers were prevented from covering an attack on a village in Manipur’s Sabunkhok Khunou village by members of a combined Jat and Gorkha armed contingent, with the soldiers deleting footage from the journalists’ electronic devices. The reporters present were from several media outlets, including ISTV, Impact TV, Tom TV, and ISCom. Nearby, journalists and media workers with Tom TV and Impact TV were similarly prevented from filming the attack in a separate incident on the same day.

Several media bodies condemned the actions of the security personnel, identifying the incident as an infringement of press freedom. In a joint statement, the All Manipur Working Journalists Union (AMWJU), an affiliate of the IJU, and the Editors’ Guild Manipur (EGM) strongly condemned the actions of the soldiers, announcing their intentions to submit a petition to authorities and calling for a thorough investigation into all crimes against journalists committed since the outbreak of violence.

On September 26, soldiers with the Assam Rifles reportedly harassed and briefly detained journalist Tennoson Pheiray between 8 and 8.30 am. The journalist was stopped while travelling to Imphal, before being briefly taken into army custody. He was allowed to continue his journey after a discussion with an officer.

Manipur has been engulfed in violence since May 3, with the conflict and resulting security presence responsible for an increase in harassment, assault, and brief detentions to journalists and media workers. Threats to freedom of expression have increased during this period, with authorities filing cases against members of the Editors Guild of India following the publication of a report. On October 5, Manipuri authorities banned the distribution of ‘violent activities’ online.

The IJU said: "The Indian Journalists Union (IJU) condemns the action of combined troops of 29 Jat regiment and 5/4 GR which prevented media persons from covering news on October 12, 2023, at Sabungkhok Khunouarea where a group of hostile people was attacking the village. The IJU appeals to the security forces and the police not only to prevent but also to help media persons to the possible extent in covering news, as people have the right to know what is happening in their area or elsewhere in the country.”

The IFJ said:“Conflict is not an excuse for law enforcement or security personnel to intimidate, harass, or obstruct media professionals. The IFJ condemns the obstruction of several journalists covering conflict in Manipur and urges authorities to uphold press freedom and ensure the independence and safety of media personnel in the state.” the state.”

Award-winning Indian author Arundhati Roy is facing prosecution after giving a speech 13 years ago, disputing the idea that Kashmir is an integral part of India.

The initial complaint was filed by a Kashmir activist following Roy's speech in 2010, in which she and three others spoke at a conference and criticized India's policy toward Kashmir.

Under Indian law, crimes of hate speech, sedition, and promoting enmity need approval from Indian officials to be prosecuted. That approval was given Wednesday, according to local media — more than a decade after the initial report was filed.

Delhi police now have permission to prosecute Roy and Central University of Kashmir professor Sheikh Showkat Hussain, under crimes of promoting enmity and making assertions prejudicial to national integration and causing public mischief, a move approved by federally-appointed lieutenant-governor, Vinai Kumar Saxena.

The other speakers named in the 2010 complaint, one a professor and the other a Kashmiri separatist leader, have since died.

Reasoning for why Saxena approved prosecution 13 years after the complaint was filed was not given in the report.

Roy, 61, a political activist as well as the 1997 Booker prize winner for fiction, has not provided a reaction to the recent developments.

The decision has faced disapproval from those opposing the current administration led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who came to power in 2014, and has since drawn criticism for its record on free speech.

Prosecuting the 2010 complaint has furthered some concerns over the current government's free speech stances, despite the complaint being registered before Modi's administration came to power.

"It is obvious that the LG [and his masters] have no place in their regime for tolerance or forbearance; or for that matter the essentials of democracy," P. Chidambaram, a senior leader of the main opposition Congress party who was India's home (interior) minister in 2010, posted on X. LG refers to Delhi Lieutenant Governor VK Saxena.

A student from Chiang Mai University has been charged with sedition and other crimes under the Computer Crimes Act and the Public Assembly Act over a 24 June 2023 caravan. Several others have also been charged, including a local news outlet.

Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) said on 11 October that Watcharapat Thammachak, a student at Chiang Mai University, received a police summons on charges of sedition and violation of the Computer Crimes Act and the Public Assembly Act for a march on 24 June 2023

TLHR said a total of four people are being summoned. It is unclear why they have been charged with sedition.

On 24 June 2023, Neo Lanna, a local activist group in Chiang Mai, staged a protest caravan from the Kruba Sri Wichai to the Three Kings Monument to campaign for a new Constitution, de-centralization, and state welfare. As the caravan moved across Chiang Mai, activists gave speeches about the 24 June 1932 Siamese Revolution and about de-centralization to allow each province to manage its own affairs without having to defer to the central government in Bangkok. At the Three Kings Monument, activists placed lotus flowers and lit candles in memory of the 1932 Revolution.

After the event, Maj Gen Santi Sukpom, Commander of the 33rd Military Circle, reportedly authorised a military officer to file complaints against Watcharapak and three other activists: Chatchai Thammo, Thiraporn Puttasee, and Benchapat (last name withheld). The charges included sedition, organising a public gathering without notifying the authorities, and bringing into a computer system data likely affect national security. Complaints were also filed against local news outlet Lanner and the owner of the Facebook page NEO LANNA, both of which live-streamed the event.

Activist Wanwalee Thammasattaya has been found guilty of royal defamation and sentenced to 2 years and 8 months in prison over a photo she posted of herself and two other people holding signs at a protest.

Wanwalee was charged with royal defamation along with Nueng (pseudonym) and Nam (pseudonym), two other protesters, after a complaint was filed against them by Sukij Dechkul, a member of the ultra-royalist group Thai Phakdee in Chiang Mai. Sukij claimed that a picture Wanwalee posted of herself, Nueng, and Nam at a protest on 21 November 2020 in Bangkok’s Siam shopping district showed them holding signs with messages that insulted the King.

Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) noted that none of the three defendants live in Chiang Mai, and that the 21 November 2020 protest took place in Bangkok, but because the complaint was filed against them in Chiang Mai, they have had to travel back and forth for police and court appointments for the past three years.

The 21 November 2020 protest was organized by the student rights group Bad Student and other pro-democracy activists. They criticize the government for its inefficiency and for how the education system is failing its students. Wanwalee testified that she posted the picture, which was taken after they were asked by a reporter to hold up the signs for pictures. She said that the sign came from an activity held during the protest where participants can write messages onto pieces of cardboard, and that some messages on the signs were written by someone else. Nueng and Nam, Wanwalee’s then high school friends, were also only tagged in the post, and Wanwalee said they were not involved in making the post, which make her think that the complaint was filed to harass political dissidents.

TLHR reported that Sukij testified that he was President of the Thai Phakdee group’s Chiang Mai chapter, and that he was given the documents used to file the complaint by other members of the group. He also testified that he did not know who posted the picture, but believed the three defendants made the posts together and that he does not know what Facebook’s tag function is.

TLHR said yesterday (10 October) that the Chiang Mai Provincial Court found Wanwalee guilty of royal defamation and sentenced her to 4 years in prison. Her sentence was later reduced to 2 years and 8 months because she gave useful testimony.

The Court ruled that the message on the sign Wanwalee was holding can be read to be about he King, and that she published the photo of the sign on Facebook even though she knew the message insulted the King, dismissing her defence that the message refers to the military and its information operation.

Charges against Nueng and Nam were dismissed. The Court ruled that it was unclear who the messages on the sign they were holding referred to. They also did not like or share the post.

Wanwalee was later granted bail on a security of 150,000 baht in order to file for appeal. She is facing a total of 4 counts of royal defamation and has previously been found guilty of one count for a speech she gave during a protest on 6 December 2020.

Former student activist Wong Yan Ke, who was found guilty today of insulting a university vice-chancellor by staging a protest during a convocation ceremony, has vowed to continue speaking up on issues close to his heart.

In a statement, the former Universiti Malaya Association of New Youth (Umany) president said he would continue exercising his freedom of expression as enshrined in the Federal Constitution.

He also said protests could mobilise public opinion and empower them to shape the nation’s destiny, adding that this was not the sole domain of politicians.

“I firmly believe that safeguarding free speech is vital to enable citizens to scrutinise public affairs and hold those in power accountable,” he said.

“In the face of government monopolies on power, resources and violence, free speech remains our sole instrument to defend our rights.

“Only through protests can we protect the values of pluralism, liberty, equality and democracy, and remain a human being who is free and equal in dignity and rights.”

Earlier today, the Kuala Lumpur magistrates’ court found Wong guilty of insulting a university vice-chancellor by staging a protest during a convocation ceremony in 2019.

He was handed a RM5,000 fine after he failed to establish a reasonable doubt in the prosecution’s case.

Wong was accused of humiliating Universiti Malaya vice-chancellor Abdul Rahim Hashim and the convocation’s attendees knowing that he would incite their anger during the ceremony by carrying a protest placard on stage demanding Rahim’s resignation as the vice-chancellor.

Wong, who graduated from Universiti Malaya with a degree in civil engineering, was charged in February 2020.

Delivering her ruling, magistrate Illi Marisqa Khalizan said the court could not agree with the reasoning given by Wong that he had no other means to voice his views.

Wong’s counsel, Chong Kar Yan, said his client would pay the fine and file a notice of appeal at the High Court.

Last week, Wong, now a coordinator at Suara Rakyat Malaysia, was also granted a discharge not amounting to an acquittal (DNAA) for disobeying a police order to stop recording a raid at his house in 2020.

It came after the prosecution failed to present any of its five witnesses in court.

First, in response to the Israel-Gaza war, several students of the Aligarh Muslim University took out a rally on October 9. This peaceful rally, organised as an expression of solidarity with Palestinians, saw four students in trouble as the police booked them under Sections 153 A (promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, language, etc.), 188 (disobedience to order duly promulgated by public servant), and 505(statements inducing public mischief) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC).

The state chief minister, Ajay Bisht aka Yogi Adityanath, soon after the AMU protest, directed the police to take “stern action” against actions or social media posts in support of Palestine. According to a report in the Deccan Herald, senior district police officials have been told to speak to the Muslim clerics and make it clear that “any attempt to incite passion on social media or a similar call from the religious places will not be tolerated”.

A cop, belonging to the Muslim community, posted in Lakhimpur Kheri district in Uttar Pradesh, had merely shared a pro-Palestine post on social media. Within days, he was suspended from duty and an additional superintendent of police rank officer was appointed to carry out an inquiry about the constable and “his political inclination”.

In similar incidents, the police in Kanpur booked two young Muslim clerics, Suhail Ansari and Atif Chowdhary, for posting content in support of Palestine on social media. While Ansari was arrested, the police raided Chowdhary’s residence.

Background

Irrespective of which parties dominate the government is in power and what the political party’s stand has been on the ongoing conflict in West Asia, protestors in many states are facing criminal action for acts of “unlawful assembly” to promote “enmity between two groups”. India’s position on West Asia – reiterated by the Narendra Modi government – on the Israel-Palestine conflict is that it supports a “negotiated solution resulting in a sovereign, independent, viable and united State of Palestine, within secure and recognised borders, at peace beside Israel as endorsed in the relevant UNSC and UNGA Resolutions”.

It is the right to protest peacefully however which is guaranteed but appears in many instances to have been denied.

Ironically even in Congress-ruled Karnataka, the police’s actions were no different than UP, Delhi or Mumbai.

The police from the Cubbon Park jurisdiction in Bengaluru booked 11 persons, including a member of the Bahutva Karnataka (a citizen’s group), and other unnamed people for holding a solidarity gathering in support of Palestine on MG Road. While the police haven’t booked them for “promoting enmity”, the sections applied are largely for gathering without permission and for “public nuisance”.

Reliable sources have confirmed that the Taliban arrested and detained Manija Sadeqi, a member of the “Spontaneous Women’s Movement of Afghanistan,” 15 days ago.

Laila Basim, another member of the Spontaneous Women’s Movement of Afghanistan, confirmed on Monday, October 23, in an interview with Hasht-e Subh Daily, that the Taliban apprehended Manija Sadeqi on October 7, 15 days ago, in the Kart-e-Naw area of Kabul city.

According to Basim, despite the 15-day efforts by Sadeghi’s family to secure her release, they have been unsuccessful.

Basim states that the reason for detaining female protesters is their resistance against the Taliban’s misogynistic actions.

It is essential to note that the Taliban also detained Neda Parwani along with her child and husband on September 19 and Julia Parsi on October 26 this year from Kabul city. These two women are also members of the Spontaneous Women’s Movement of Afghanistan.

The arrest of Parwani and Parsi has sparked various reactions.

Despite repeated calls from human rights organizations for the release of the detained female protesters, the Taliban have remained unresponsive to their actions.

Activists have slammed the Indonesian police for rights violations after officers reportedly shot dead a villager and injured at least two others during a protest against an oil palm plantation company in Borneo.

Gijik, 35, was shot in the chest during the Oct. 7 protest held by residents of the mostly Indigenous Dayak village of Bangkal, Central Kalimantan province, according to AMAN, Indonesia’s main alliance of Indigenous peoples. Another protester, Taufik Nurrahman, 21, was shot in the waist and is in critical condition, Bangkal community leader James Watt told Mongabay Indonesia. A third person, Ambaryanto, 53, was injured in the arm and leg, while police also arrested some 20 villagers, according to James.

Police opened fire on the villagers as they protested against plantation firm PT Hamparan Masawit Bangun Persada (HMBP), an affiliate of the BEST Group. The Bangkal villagers have been protesting since Sept. 16 to demand the company comply with its obligation to allocate 20% of its concession to the community under a government-mandated sharing scheme known as “plasma.”

“What happened in Seruyan today is a crime against humanity, a violation of human rights, and a violent act done openly by the state,” said Uli Arta Siagian, forestry and plantation campaigner at the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi).

Sekar Banjaran Aji, national coordinator at the Public Interest Lawyer Network (PIL-NET), called the police’s action “inhuman” and unjustifiable.

“We can see how the police failed to use their logic so that they resorted to using excessive force, which claimed a life,” she said.

Central Kalimantan Police spokesman Erlan Munaji said the police’s actions during the protest were in accordance with the rules of engagement. He told local media that a pre-deployment check of all weapons showed none of the police personnel were carrying live ammunition, only blanks, rubber bullets and tear gas.

“We’re in the process [of finding out] whether [the victim] died because of that [shooting],” he said.

Photos shared on social media and accounts from those on the ground appear to show clearly how Gijik died. Alexius Elister, who identified himself as a relative of the slain protester, said autopsy results concluded that he died from a gunshot wound to the chest.

“What’s left to do is determining who’s responsible, and I will take legal action,” he said as quoted by local media.

‘Aim for the head!’ There are conflicting accounts of what happened in Bangkal on Oct. 7.

Police say it was the protesters who first attacked them, using bladed weapons. Erlan said that while some of the villagers had reached an agreement with HMBP to farm part of its concession, others had refused to accept the agreement and continued protesting against the company. This latter group then attempted to harvest palm fruit from the plantation on the morning of Oct. 7, Erlan said.

When the police warned the villagers against doing so, the protesters started attacking them, he added.

However, various organizations that have been monitoring the situation for the past month say it was the police who started firing tear gas and bullets at the protesters without any provocation.

In videos taken during the protest, a man can clearly be heard shouting orders over a loudspeaker to fire on the protesters: “Prepare the tear gas! Aim for the head! Ready the AK! Let’s play!”

In another video of the same moment from a different angle, the person can be heard urging fellow protesters “don’t get provoked” by the police.

Shortly after the shouting, gunshots can be heard.

“Without any trigger from the protesters, the security forces shot tear gas and bullets from firearms,” said Bayu Herinata, director of Walhi’s Central Kalimantan chapter. “Based on information that we got from the ground as well as videos sent by people on the ground, there’s clearly an instruction from the commander of the security forces to shoot the protesters.”

In two previous protests in the long-running dispute, it was also the police who started attacking the protesters unprovoked, Bayu said.

“So we need to question the statement from the police that they were attacked first by the protesters,” he said.

Ferdi Kurnianto, the Central Kalimantan chapter head for Indigenous alliance AMAN, said some of the villagers did carry bladed implements during the protest. But these were traditional Dayak weapons known as mandau, which are intended for homemaking or defense purposes, not for attacking people, he said.

Companies over communities Uli of Walhi said the Bangkal dispute is emblematic of how the Indonesian government manages the country’s lands and resources.

“There are hundreds of companies in Indonesia, whether in the industries of palm oil, forestry or mining, that unilaterally claim ownership of ancestral lands and community territories,” she said. “The pleas of those who reject the companies’ presence in their territories, or refuse to have their lands taken by the companies, are ignored [by the government].”

Many of the land conflicts between communities and companies end in the persecution and criminalization of the communities, she added.

HMBP, the company in the Bangkal case, has a history of conflicts with other villages in which protesters and their supporters have faced persecution. In 2020, the company filed criminal charges against Indigenous farmers in the village of Penyang, also in Central Kalimantan province, who had been embroiled in a long-standing land dispute with the company.

HMBP accused two of the farmers of stealing palm fruit from its plantation. However, the farmers had harvested the fruit from land claimed by the villagers but cultivated illegally by HMBP; the district government had already declared the company to be operating outside its concession in 2010. The district chief also ordered HMBP to cede the disputed land back to the community — an order the company has duly ignored.

Police also arrested James Watt, the prominent community activist, while he was in Jakarta, for allegedly orchestrating the alleged theft by the two farmers.

In June 2020, a district court sentenced James to 10 months in prison, while one of the farmers got eight months prison sentence. The other farmer, Hermanus Bin Bison, died in custody, reportedly after being refused proper treatment for his ill health.

Abdul Haris, a campaigner at TuK Indonesia, an NGO that advocates for social justice in the agribusiness sector, blamed the conflict in Bangkal on HMBP’s failure to allocate 20% of its concession to the community, as required by law. He said similar conflicts will keep happening since many other plantation companies are also noncompliant on this front.

More than 80% of the 292 palm oil companies operating in Central Kalimantan haven’t provided plasma plantations to communities, Haris said, citing government data. Nationwide, only 21% of 2,864 plantation firms in the country have allocated the mandatory 20% of their concessions, according to the government’s audit agency, the BPKP.

Central Kalimantan Governor Sugianto Sabran has asked President Joko Widodo to evaluate existing permits in the province, and to revoke those of any companies that fail to comply.

Sugianto said the conflict in Bangkal isn’t the fault of the villagers.

“I don’t blame the people because they are demanding their rights that are cemented in the obligations for companies to allocate 20% of plasma [plantations],” he said as quoted by local media.

Sekar of PIL-NET said the deployment of police in conflicts between communities and companies is a result of the government’s decision in 2018 to categorize oil palm plantations as a national vital object. And in most cases, the security forces side with companies over the communities, she said.

“Our brothers and sisters in investment areas are losing their rights as citizens because the state is prioritizing investors,” Sekar said. “The government keeps saying that it’s championing sustainable development. But sustainable development is development that’s wanted by the people. But in this case, it claims victims and prosecutes the people. So who are the investments for? Who are defended by the security forces? Are they defending citizens or investors?”

Justifying excessive force Sekar said there’s also a tendency by police to use excessive force in conflicts between communities and companies. She traced this to the rhetoric of President Widodo, who in 2021 instructed the police to crack down on anyone standing in the way of investors — a complete U-turn from an order he issued in 2019 to prioritize locals over investors.

Other senior officials have used similarly strong language, with Luhut Pandjaitan, the senior minister overseeing investments, saying in 2022 that he would “bulldoze” anyone blocking the ease of investment and permit issuance.

“What’s happening in Central Kalimantan is likely to be caused by the president’s instruction, because it’s not only in Central Kalimantan [where the police used excessive force], but also last month in Rempang Island,” Sekar said.

The conflict on Rempang, part of the Riau Islands archipelago in the Malacca Strait, centers around a plan by Chinese industrial giant Xinyi Glass to build the world’s second-largest glass and solar panel factory there, taking advantage of the abundant quartz sand around the island.

The plan entails the eviction of the native islanders, prompting them to stage several protests. This drew a heavy-handed response from the security forces, who on Sept. 7 fired on protesters with rubber bullets and tear gas, including at a middle school.

According to data from the NGO Consortium on Agrarian Reform (KPA), at least 69 people have died in land conflicts since 2015, a year into the Widodo administration.

As long as the conflict in Bangkal remains unresolved and the community remains at risk of persecution, police must withdraw from the region to ease the tension, said Mohammad Ali, the head of NGO Alliance of Agrarian Reform Movement (AGRA).

It’s also important for the community to get its rights recognized through the allocation of plasma plantations, he added.

Last Friday (6 October), activists from the People’s Movement for a Just Society (P-Move) went to the Queen Sirikit National Convention Centre (QSNCC), where the 2023 Thailand Climate Action Conference is taking place, to protest government policies that would greenwash the country’s major corporations while worsening inequality.

Several activists travelled from Government House, where the group has been protesting since Monday evening (2 October) to the QSNCC, while Srettha Thavisin, Prime Minister and Minister of Finance, was opening the conference. They took turns giving speeches on the truck while en route from the Asoke Montri Intersection to the QSNCC and while in front of the conference centre.

Activist Pachara Kamchamnan spoke about the human rights violations that could result from the government’s green economy policies, such as the Bio-Circular-Green Economy model and carbon credit policy, which involve a plan to increase forest areas in the country by 55%. He noted that Thailand’s forestry model scheme already aims to increase forest areas by 40%, and that the implementation of land and forest policies during the past decade have led to communities losing their land and way of life due to forced evictions. Meanwhile, Porlajee Rakchongcharoen, an indigenous rights activist from the Bang Kloi community, was abducted and presumably murdered after he began campaigning for his community’s right to their land and culture.

Nattaporn Artharn from the North-Eastern NGO Coordinating Committee on Development (NGO-COD) said that communities in the northeastern provinces have long been affected by government policies on natural resources and environment. Logging concessions have damaged local forests, while government megaprojects like dams and reservoirs have affected the environment and the local communities’ livelihoods. She criticized the government’s new green economy model for trying to increase forest areas to cater to corporations’ release of greenhouse gases and pollution instead of tackling the source of pollution.

Kanyarat Tumpama from the Northern Peasant Federation noted that activists and community members came to Bangkok to protest at Government House because they are facing unresolved land rights issues. Even though the new government claims to have won the election, there are still people in the provinces facing unresolved issues, and when they come to Government House asking to meet the Prime Minister, their demands are not answered. She also called on the government to respect the people because they are being paid with taxpayers’ money.

Nattakorn Tonnamphet, an activist from the Bang Kloi indigenous Karen community, said that indigenous communities have been treated inhumanely by the authorities, noting that the Bang Kloi community was forcibly evacuated from the Kaeng Krachan forest and their village was burned down because the authorities wanted Kaeng Krachan to become a World Heritage Site. He said that society must understand that a World Heritage Site cannot protect only the forest itself but also the way of life of those who live in it.

The activists read out a statement criticizing the new government for favouring large corporations over ordinary people, noting that Srettha has been seen meeting with representatives of these corporations and that the government has declared policies on land and the environment which may affect community rights and worsen social inequality. It also criticized the government’s carbon credit model, as it could be used to greenwash the corporations who are the major polluters and who are taking advantage of the country’s resources, calling for the government to revise its policy to be fairer to ordinary people.

Now in the 8th day of their protest, P-Move is still occupying the street in front of Government House despite the heavy rain and constant pressure from the police, who have been attempting to get them to move their protest elsewhere by threatening to press charges against them.

Representatives met with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance Phumtham Wechayachai and Minister of Agriculture and Cooperatives Thamanat Prompow this morning (9 October) for the first round of negotiation.

The police dispersed Greenpeace Indonesia’s oligarchy monster action at the HI Roundabout in Central Jakarta today, October 6. The environmental NGO installed a giant octopus-shaped monster holding three mannequins wearing masks depicting three presidential contenders, namely Anies Baswedan, Ganjar Pranowo, and Prabowo Subianto.

Upon arrival at around 6:30 a.m., the police escorted the activists to police cars. Greenpeace Indonesia’s media campaigner Rahma Sofiana confirmed they were taken to the Menteng Police post. “Menteng,” she told Tempo today.

At the Menteng Police station, a policeman who declined to be named said the action was dispersed for lack of a permit. “No permit for that,” he said.

During the action, 12 Greenpeace activists jumped into the pool at the HI Roundabout carrying posters that read "Vote for Climate, Not Oligarchy" and "Suffocated by Air Pollution, Choked by Forest and Forestry Smog".

Iqbal Damanik, Greenpeace Indonesia's forest campaigner, said the campaign aimed to encourage presidential and vice-presidential candidates to make a serious commitment to stand with the people and break away from the oligarchy's agenda.

According to him, the people have suffered from the negative effects of the strengthening political and economic power of the oligarchs in the archipelago, such as threats to democracy and the environment, as well as the confiscation of living space. “Please show this commitment in the vision and mission document submitted to the KPU,” Iqbal asserted.

Greenpeace first staged the Oligarchy Monster peaceful action on October 5, 2021, as a symbol of refusing to forget the passage of the Job Creation Law. In addition to Jakarta, a series of anti-Oligarchy actions were also held in several regions this week, including Sorong on October 5 and Jayapura today, October 6.

The home of human rights activist Babloo Loitongbam’s in Manipur’s Imphal was on Thursday attacked by unidentified people, a senior police official told Scroll.

“He is claiming here that no church is standing in Imphal valley, all burned,” the official said. “This claim made the public angry.”

Loitongbam had made the statement in an interview he gave to NewsClick in May. He had also spoken about the state of violence in Manipur, especially on the role of radical organisations.

The internationally acclaimed activist has been critical of the Meitei Leepun and the Aarambai Tenggol, radical Meitei organisations accused of fanning violence against Kukis.

Since the ethnic conflict broke out on May 3, Loitongbam has been demanding that Chief Minister N Biren Singh, a Metei, resign from his post.

In the interview, the activist alleged that the Meitei Leepun and the Aarambai Tenggol have “injected” militancy into the minds of people.

“They have articulation like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh,” Loitongbam said. “Not a single church stands in the valley now. All churches are being destroyed.”

The activist’s home was attacked on the same day when the Meitei Leepun said it will boycott Loitongbam and former Additional Superintendent of Police Thounaojam Brinda till the ethnic strife ends over making public statements, reported the Ukhrul Times.

Brinda had said the Meitei Leepun and the Aarambai Tenggol were responsible for an arson incident, reported India Today. On Wednesday, the two groups stormed her home and demanded a clarification. She then said she was misinformed by a social media video.

On Thursday, the Meitei Leepun also warned that it will not take responsibility for any unwanted incidents if Brinda and Loitongbam violate the boycott.

Vietnamese authorities recently prevented Ms. Ngo Thi Oanh Phuong from leaving the country. She is widely known on social networks through her Facebook account named Phuong Ngo because she often speaks out against many social issues and has enthusiastically fought against negativity for many years.

According to VOA's own source, Tan Son Nhat International Airport Border Gate Police did not let Ms. Phuong leave the country early on the morning of October 5 after she had a boarding pass to fly from Ho Chi Minh City to Ho Chi Minh City. Narita airport of the Japanese capital.

Two representatives of the border police and a representative of Japan Airlines made a record of "temporary exit" for Ms. Phuong, the source said. The minutes that VOA saw read that she was not allowed to leave Vietnam "for national defense and security reasons" based on an article in the law on the entry and exit of Vietnamese citizens issued in 2019. 2019.

The minutes did not say in more detail why Ms. Phuong was not allowed to leave the country. VOA tried to contact Ms. Phuong and the relevant police agency to learn more but could not connect.

Ms. Phuong, 42 years old, permanently residing in Ho Chi Minh City, has been famous on social networks for many years due to her active criticism, fight against injustice and many volunteer activities, of which she especially stands out. combat road toll booths located in unreasonable locations and provide relief to those in need due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

According to VOA's research, Article No. 36 of Vietnam's 2019 law on entry and exit sets out regulations on 9 cases of temporary exit, including "people whom the authorities have grounds to believe that the Their exit affects national defense and security" stated in section 9.

Other cases temporarily banned from leaving the country are suspects and defendants; People involved in prison sentences are on probation; person with civil court obligations ; person who must fulfill tax obligations, etc.

Before the case of Ms. Ngo Thi Oanh Phuong, the Vietnamese government banned many other activists, activists, dissidents and critics from leaving the country such as Dr. Nguyen Quang A and lawyer Vo An Don. , Cao Dai follower Nguyen Xuan Mai, Protestant follower Doctor Eban, priest Truong Hoang Vu.

The Appeal Court has sentenced Phonchai Wimonsuphawong, 38, to 2 years in prison for royal defamation and violation of the Computer-Related Crime Act over a Facebook post from October 2020.

Phonchai was charged after a complaint was filed against him with the police in Yala’s Bannang Sata District by Watcharin Niwatsawat, a member of an ultra-royalist group. Watcharin accused Phonchai of royal defamation in 4 Facebook posts made in October – November 2020, including a video clip about monarchy reform.

The Yala Provincial Court previously found Phonchai guilty of royal defamation and violation of the Computer-Related Crime Act for the video clip, but dismissed the remaining counts of the charges relating to 2 other posts. He was sentenced to 3 years in prison, reduced to 2 because he gave useful testimony.

The Court ruled that because the content of the video clip implies that the King is not politically neutral, it is insulting and can cause doubt among the public, whereas the King is inviolable and therefore above all criticism.

Phonchai filed an appeal. However, the Appeal Court ruled yesterday (4 October) to uphold the Yala Provincial Court’s ruling, sentencing him to 2 years in prison.

According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), the Appeal Court ruled that criticism of the King damages national security and can cause disorder in the society, and because Section 6 of the Constitution states that the King is held in a position of “revered worship” and cannot be violated, even criticism made in good faith is an offence.

Phonchai was later granted bail pending an appeal to the Supreme Court on a security of 112,500 baht. TLHR noted that the Yala Provincial Court granted him bail without forwarding his bail request to the Supreme Court, and he was released almost immediately after his sentencing.

The 38-year-old comes from an indigenous Karen community in Mae Hong Son’s Mae La Noi District. After leaving home as a teenager, Phonchai worked in a restaurant in Chiang Mai in exchange for food and accommodation. He then decided to move to Bangkok to find work. He said in an interview with TLHR that he spent around a year homeless before getting a job as a security guard. Before he was charged, he had been working as a salesman, going from house to house selling mobile phones or helping real estate agents.

In addition to 5 other charges from joining protests in Bangkok, he is facing royal defamation charges filed against him in Yala and in Chiang Mai, and since he lives and work in Bangkok, having to go to court have been difficult for him, as he lost time he could have been working, and it cost him a considerable amount of money.

In March 2023, the Chiang Mai Provincial Court found Phonchai guilty of royal defamation, sedition, and violation of the Computer-Related Crime Act for 4 Facebook posts made between 18 October and 19 November 2020. He was sentenced to 12 years in prison and was detained pending appeal for several days before being released.

This complaint against him was filed by Jessada Thunkeaw, a former protest guard for the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC), who accused Phonchai of 4 Facebook posts about the King’s involvement in politics and inviting people to join protests. However, Phonchai said that he did not make the posts, as his Facebook account was stolen at the time.

Police in New Delhi have arrested the editor of a news website and one of its administrators after raiding the homes of journalists working for the site, which has been critical of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Hindu nationalist-led government.

NewsClick founder and editor Prabir Purkayastha and human resources chief Amit Chakravarty were arrested late Tuesday. Earlier, some journalists associated with the site were detained and had their digital devices seized during extensive raids that were part of an investigation into whether the news outlet had received funds from China. NewsClick denied any financial misconduct.

Suman Nalwa, a police spokesperson, said the arrests were made under an anti-terrorism law.

The government has used the wide-ranging law to stifle dissent and to jail activists, journalists and Modi's critics, some of whom have spent years in jail before going to trial.

Nalwa said at least 46 people were questioned during the raids and their devices, including laptops and cellphones, and documents were taken away for examination.

They included current and former employees, freelance contributors and cartoonists.

Website accused of 'anti-India agenda'

NewsClick was founded in 2009 and is seen as a rare Indian news outlet willing to criticize Modi. It was also raided by Indian financial enforcement officials in 2021, after which a court blocked the authorities from taking any "coercive measures" against the website.

Indian authorities brought a case against the site and its journalists on August 17, weeks after a report in The New York Times alleged it had received funds from an American millionaire who had funded the spread of "Chinese propaganda."

That same month, India's junior minister for information and broadcasting, Anurag Thakur, accused NewsClick of spreading an "anti-India agenda," citing The New York Times report, and of working with the opposition Indian National Congress party. Both NewsClick and the Congress party denied the accusations.

Hundreds protest raids

On Wednesday, hundreds of journalists and activists in New Delhi held protests against the raids on NewsClick and the broader crackdown on independent media under Modi. Some carried placards with slogans such as, "Stop attacks on media. Stop threatening media."

"Anybody who speaks against the regime is deemed to be anti-national," said Manini Chatterjee, a journalist who was part of one protest. "This has been a long-term strategy, and these events are the latest in this."

Media watchdogs such as the Committee to Protect Journalists denounced the arrests and raids.

"This is the latest attack on press freedom in India," Beh Lih Yi, CPJ's Asia program coordinator, said in a statement. "We urge the Indian government to immediately cease these actions, as journalists must be allowed to work without fear of intimidation or reprisal."

The Editors Guild of India said it was worried the raids were intended to "create a general atmosphere of intimidation under the shadow of draconian laws."

In February, authorities searched the BBC's New Delhi and Mumbai offices over accusations of tax evasion a few days after it broadcast a documentary in Britain that examined Modi's role in anti-Muslim riots in 2002.

A number of other news organizations also have been investigated for financial impropriety. Independent media in India battle censorship and harassment and often face arrests while doing their work.

'Nothing to fear,' says journalist

India's anti-terrorism law has stringent requirements for bail, which mean individuals often spend months, sometimes years, in custody without being found guilty. Successive Indian governments have invoked the law, but it has been used with increasing frequency in recent years.

Reporters Without Borders, an advocacy group for journalists, ranked India 161st in its press freedom rankings this year, writing that the situation has deteriorated from "problematic" to "very bad."

Some independent Indian think tanks and international groups such as Amnesty International and Oxfam India also have been raided and had their access to funding blocked in recent years.

Journalist Abhisar Sharma, whose house was raided and electronic devices seized Tuesday, said he won't back down from doing his job.

"Nothing to fear," Sharma wrote on X, formerly known as Twitter. "And I will keep questioning people in power and particularly those who are afraid of simple questions."

The raids against NewsClick also drew criticism from India's political opposition.

"These are not the actions of a 'mother of democracy' but of an insecure and autocratic state," opposition lawmaker Shashi Tharoor wrote on X. "The government has disgraced itself and our democracy today."

The Gorontalo Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) condemned the obstruction of journalistic work by Gorontalo Police officers on Tuesday (3/10/2023).

The act of obstruction occurred when journalists from Tribun, Antara, and Dulohupa were covering the case of the death of one of IAIN Sultan Amai Gorontalo's freshmen, which the family and their attorney wanted to report to the Gorontalo Police.

While taking photos and videos, a number of journalists were suddenly prohibited from taking pictures or covering inside the SPKT office of the Gorontalo Police.

Because of this treatment, the journalists decided not to record or take pictures anymore and chose to leave the SPKT room. They were forced to sit outside the building while waiting for the victim's family to report.

Some time later, after the victim's family lawyer left the SPKT room, the journalists returned to conduct interviews. During the interview, the police officer suddenly prohibited the journalists from recording and asked for the recording to be deleted.

Journalists were prohibited from taking pictures with the SPKT building in the background. The officer asked the journalists to conduct the interview elsewhere, and asked not to take the writing or the SPKT building.

The reason was because he was worried that there would be public misunderstanding in understanding the news. Another reason given by the police officer was that the report from the citizen being covered by the journalist was not yet clear.

Wawan Akuba, Chairman of AJI Gorontalo condemned the action. According to him, freedom of the press is not limited by the clarity of the report. Journalists have the right to cover an event, whether it is a clear event or an unclear event.

In addition, the actions of the police officers were also intimidating. The police officer clearly prohibited journalists from taking pictures or recording in the SPKT area with an arrogant tone.

"This can cause fear and anxiety for journalists in carrying out their duties," said Wawan.

The Fort Magistrate's Court issued an order on several activists, including Duminda Nagamuwa, and Venerable Galwewa Siridhamma Thero preventing them from entering certain locations in Colombo.

The order was issued following submissions made to court by the OIC of the Fort Police.

The order by the Fort Magistrate's Court prevents eight people, including the Covenor of the Inter-University Student's Federation Madushan Indrajith, Inter-University Bhikku Federation Venerable Galwewa Siridhamma Thero, Organizer of the Labour Struggle Center Duminda Nagamuwa, General Secretary of the Ceylon Teachers' Union, and those accompanying them, from entering certain areas in Colombo from 11 AM to 6 PM.

The prohibited areas are the President's Office, Ceramic Junction to the NSA Roundabout, and the NSA Roundabout to Baladaksha Mawatha.

The court order notes that the said individuals are prohibited from entering the said areas, should not cause damage to public and private property, and should also not engage in acts that incite the people.

Officials of the National Investigating Agency (NIA) arrived in groups of four and five in 62 locations across Telangana and Andhra Pradesh on October 2, in coordinated raids at the homes of human rights activists and researchers.

The raid teams – comprising of NIA officers from Delhi and the local police – arrived between 5.30 am and 6 am on the day, and stayed at the locations till afternoon.

One such raid was carried out at the house of a senior lawyer and rights activist Durba Suresh Kumar. Suresh, also a member of the Indian Association of People’s Lawyer, told The Wire that he was woken up by the NIA sleuths.

“I was woken up by the officers. They had flown down, along with panch witnesses. But the local police were not informed,” Suresh said. The local police, Suresh says, joined much later. From Suresh’s house, the NIA seized his phone and a 12-page pamphlet of the People’s War Group, dating back to 1993.

Suresh says for the longest period, he was not aware of the nature of the raid and the exact case in connection with which it was being conducted. The NIA later informed him that the ongoing raids were a part of the “Munchingiputtu CPI (Maoist) conspiracy case” – in connection with which similar raids were carried out at the residences of many rights activists and academics in 2021.

Suresh was served a notice under section 160 of the CrPC, asking him to be present before the NIA as a witness. This, Suresh points out, is both “unlawful” and “unethical”.

“I am a counsel for many persons named in the case. I represent them in the high court and now the NIA wants me to appear before them as a witness in the same case,” Suresh told The Wire over a phone call.

This is not the first time that a lawyer has been named an accused or asked to be a witness in the same case they have appeared as counsel in, before a court. Surendra Gadling, a Nagpur-based lawyer and an accused in the Elgar Parishad case, was also made an accused in one of the cases in which he had defended an accused in the conflict-affected Vidarbha region in Maharashtra.

HRF functionaries targeted

Of the 62 locations raided, 53 are in Andhra Pradesh and nine are in Telangana. Along with the raids on October 2, the NIA also arrested one Chandra Narasimhulu, allegedly a state executive committee member of the Pragathiseela Karmika Samakya (PKS), an alleged front organisation of the banned CPI (Maoist). Narasimhulu was arrested from Satya Sai district in Andhra Pradesh. Along with his arrest, the NIA has claimed to have found a pistol, 14 rounds of ammunition, and Rs 13 lakhs in a case from another spot in Kadapa district. Maoist literature and pamphlets were also seized, the NIA has claimed.

Most of those raided were unsure if they are being looked at as suspects or witnesses in the case. The house of K. Sudha, a state executive committee member of Human Rights Forum, was also raided. Sudha, who reaches at a state law university, said the NIA has taken her phone away.

As raids took place at Sudha’s house, V.S. Krishna, the convener of the HRF’s Andhra Pradesh and Telangana units reached Sudha’s residence. Krishna’s house was raided in 2021 in the same case. Krishna told The Wire that he got calls from two other HRF members, who said that the NIA broke into their houses because they were not home when officials arrived. “I tried contacting other members. When Sudha did not pick up the call, I knew the NIA had reached her place too,” Krishna said.

The two other person’s whose houses were raided when they were away are HRF’s AP state general secretary Y. Rajesh in Amalapuram and the organisation’s state vice-president K.V. Jagannadha Rao in Srikakulam. Rajesh, who was on his way back from Bengaluru, when The Wire called him late on October 2, said that the NIA contacted him a little before 6 am. “They came with a notice under Section 165 (2) of the CrPc, which authorised them to search the premise. Some of my neighbours went to my place and the NIA conducted the raid,” Rajesh said, adding that the NIA has not made any seizures from his house.

Books, vernacular literature

However, from another HRF functionary’s place, the NIA has picked up over 60 books. Sudha, who shared information about the raid, said, “They basically picked up every book and document that had red font on it.” Krishna said the officers did not know to read Telugu. “Most books and our write-ups are in the local language. They mindlessly picked things up and later call it incriminating,” he added.

Besides HRF and IAPL, houses of the members of the Civil Liberties Committee (CLC), the Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP), and the Revolutionary Writers Association (RWA), were also raided among others. The NIA has accused veteran rights activists and organisations of acting as “fronts” to the CPI (Maoist) organisation, banned in 2009. This claim has been vehemently opposed by rights organisations. HRF has called the NIA’s claim “a plain canard”. “Seeking to criminalise our human rights activity will never succeed. HRF is not an appendage of the Maoists or any other political party. HRF was formed on October 11, 1998 and we have turned 25 this month. We shall persist in spreading a human rights culture in society with the certitude that a broad-based and truly independent human rights movement is desirable and possible,” HRF said, in a press statement released earlier today, October 3.

The locations in Andhra Pradesh subjected to raids are in Guntur, Palanadu, Vijayawada, Rajhmundry, Prakasam, Bapatla, Eluru, East Godawari, Dr B.R. Ambedkar Konasema, Visakhapatnam, Vizianagaram, Nellore, Tirupati, Kadapa, Anantpur, and Kurnool districts. The NIA said that the nine locations in Telangana include districts of Hyderabad, Mahabubnagar, Hanumakonda, Ranga Reddy, and Adilabad.

The investigation, first registered and handled by the local state police in 2020, was taken up by the NIA in 2021. Popularly known as the ‘Munchingiputtu case’, it deals with alleged Maoist movement and literature in a village of the Alluri Sitharama Raju district. The NIA has filed a chargesheet against seven persons in that case.

One of the immediate causes for worry expressed by those raided is around the seizure of electronic devices. Most of them are lawyers and researchers and very heavily reliant on their electronic devices for their work. “Seizure of electronic devices including mobiles without even providing cloned copies to the owners amounts to immediate lack of access to precious work-related material and contacts. It leads to an overwhelming loss,” the HRF statement reads.

“To confiscate these devices in such a sudden manner results in a stunning dispossession. It is not only a deprival of valuable property of the functionaries concerned but also of their right to livelihood, privacy and human dignity.”