Uwazi

Regarding today’s forced summons of human rights defenders Fatia Maulidiyanti and Haris Azhar, FORUM-ASIA Executive Director Shamini Darshni Kaliemuthu said:

The harassment of Fatia and Haris earlier today reflects the Indonesian government’s continuous use of reprisals against human rights defenders. Approximately 8:00 am, five police officers arrived at Fatia’s residence, and another four arrived at Haris’ house to pick them up for interrogation. This stems from charges filed last year by the Coordinating Minister of Maritime Affairs and Investment, Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan against the two over comments regarding a report alleging the involvement of army officials with the operations of the gold mining sector in Papua.

The unexpected police presence at their respective homes is clearly an intimidation against these defenders, and sends out a message that defenders will be targeted for exposing corruption or rights violations.

We call on the police to immediately end the criminalisation of these two defenders. The Government of Indonesia must instead ensure protection of human rights defenders who hold state actors accountable, and halt any misuse of litigation by authorities, businesses, and other sectors.

Indonesia as a democracy must be committed towards the implementation of laws and policies that protect freedom of expression, and it must respect the rights of its people to share critical or dissenting views to hold the government accountable.

About Fatia and Haris Fatia Maulidiyanti is the Coordinator of the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS). Haris Azhar is the Executive Director and Co-Founder of Lokataru Foundation.

Two student activists were arrested in Yangon on Sunday morning while they were on their way to a protest in Thingangyun Township, according to fellow activists.

The two were identified as Zaw Lin Htut, a former member of the University Students’ Union Alumni Force (USUAF), and Su Yee Lin, the chair of the Eastern Yangon University Students Union.

“They were arrested on their way to a protest. We haven’t had any contact with them since,” said USUAF member Nan Lin.

The arresting officers were reportedly plainclothes military personnel, but no further details of the arrest were available at the time of reporting.

According to Nan Lin, Zaw Lin Htut is also a freelance reporter and a member of Peacock Generation (Daung Doh Myo Sat), a group that performs thangyat, a traditional form of political satire popular in Myanmar.

In 2018, he was sentenced to two years in prison for taking part in a performance deemed insulting to the military. He was released in June 2020.

“He used to be involved in politics. These days, he is writing news. Knowing that the military is targeting journalists, we’re very worried for the lives of both Phoe Thar and Su Yee Lin,” said Nang Lin, referring to Zaw Lin Htut by his nickname.

The families of the two detainees have received no information about where they are being held, he added.

Despite violent crackdowns, “flash mob” protests against the regime that seized power in February continue in Yangon and other cities around the country.

Earlier this month, junta troops rammed a vehicle into a crowd of protesters in Yangon’s Kyimyindaing Township before firing several shots and making multiple arrests.

As many as five people are believed to have been killed in that incident, although the junta has denied that there were any casualties, despite evidence to the contrary.

The famous Chinese human rights lawyer Xie Yang is missing after he was taken away by security forces last Tuesday, according to his wife, the university professor of Chemistry Chen Guiqiu, on social networks.

In the last known case, the lawyer had been defending a pregnant teacher, Li Tiantian, in a rural area of ​​Hunan province (southern China), forcibly transferred to a psychiatric center, according to the Red of Human Rights Lawyers (Weiquanwang) on his blog. A few days later, he himself was arrested.

“Xie Yang was detained by state security on January 11 and his whereabouts are unknown. His phone is operational but calls are transferred to voicemail all the time,” Chen said on his Twitter account. “Local state security offices have warned Xie’s family not to talk to the media.”

The 49-year-old lawyer from Changsha, the capital of Hunan, is known for his defense of dissidents and other defendants in politically sensitive cases. Among others, he has represented people involved in the New Citizen civil movement, which in the first decade of the century tried to promote transparency in Chinese government. One of his favorite phrases is “don’t let silence become a habit”.

In July 2015, he was one of those arrested in a major raid on some 200 human rights lawyers across China, which would be dubbed “709″ after the date it began.

During his detention, first six months incommunicado in a secret location and then a year and a half in a detention center, he reported to his lawyers that he had been subjected to torture, which he described in detail. In 2017, he was tried for crimes of disorderly conduct and subversion against the state, two charges that are frequently used in China against dissidents. At trial he pleaded guilty and retracted his allegations of torture. But the court did not impose any sentence on him, allowing him to keep his license to practice when he returned home. Something that the vast majority of those arrested in the 709 raid, subjected to the scrutiny of the authorities even today, have never managed to recover.

It was later learned that he was forced to withdraw those complaints as a condition for his release.

In 2020, his license to practice was finally withdrawn, amid a climate of tightening control of civil society and surveillance of dissidents. The Hunan provincial government’s Justice Department said at the time that his permit had been revoked for multiple episodes of “contempt of court” – his attempts to defend his clients – and for comments on social media that were deemed either defamatory or misleading. endangered national security.

Taliban authorities should immediately and unconditionally release journalists Faisal Modaris, Idris Rahimi, and Milad Azizi, and cease detaining members of the press for their work, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

On January 6, armed Taliban authorities detained the three journalists, all of whom work at the Kabul Lovers YouTube-based broadcaster, along with Azizi’s brother Rashid Azizi, while they were at a restaurant in the Shari Naw area of Kabul’s District Four, according to three people with knowledge of the situation who spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity, citing fear of retaliation by the Taliban, as well as posts on Twitter by local journalists and activists.

Modaris works as a presenter for Kabul Lovers, Rahimi as a camera operator, and Milad Azizi owns the outlet, according to those sources. The broadcaster covers current affairs and daily life in Kabul and has continued since the Taliban takeover in August; it has about 240,000 followers on its YouTube channel.

Authorities later released Rashid Noori, but Modaris, Rahimi, and Azizi remain in custody according to those people who spoke to CPJ, adding that the journalists are being held by the counterterrorism body of the Directorate General of Intelligence, the Taliban’s intelligence agency, and have not been able to see their families or lawyers.

“The detention of Afghan journalists Faisal Modaris, Idris Rahimi, and Milad Azizi indicates a worrisome and reprehensible escalation of Taliban attacks on the independent media,” said CPJ Asia Coordinator Steven Butler. “Taliban authorities should unconditionally release the three journalists and stop imprisoning members of the press in retaliation for their work.”

The people who spoke to CPJ said that a Taliban member called Modaris’ family confirming that the three had been detained. The family member feared that the journalists could be tortured in detention, those people said.

The three recently covered protests by residents of Panjshir province after Taliban militias killed a civilian there, and featured protesters harshly criticizing the Taliban; the report was viewed more than 100,000 times, and it was cited by international news outlets including the BBC. The people who spoke to CPJ said they believed that reporting, because it contained criticism of the Taliban and was so widely shared, was likely the reason for the journalists’ arrests.

Ahmadullah Wasiq, a Taliban deputy spokesperson in Afghanistan, did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment sent via messaging app. CPJ was unable to find contact information for the General Directorate of Intelligence.

Separately, on January 9, the Taliban released journalist Khalil Fitri after holding him in the city of Mazar-i-Sharif since December 13, according to news reports.

Bangladesh authorities must conduct a swift and impartial investigation into the abduction and beating of Hossain Baksh and take steps to protect the safety of journalists covering union council elections, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

At approximately 6:45 a.m. on January 5, Hossain Baksh, a camera operator for the privately owned news channel ATN News, was abducted and severely beaten, allegedly upon the order of Asad Ali, the then-ruling Awami League-nominated chairperson candidate for a local union council election, in the Madhabpur upazila, or sub-district, of the Kamalganj upazila in the northeastern Sylhet Division, according to the Dhaka Tribune and Baksh, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app. (A union council is a local government unit in Bangladesh.) Ali did not respond to CPJ’s text message requesting comment.

Ali was subsequently elected chairperson of the Madhabpur upazila in the election held on January 5, according to Daily Jugantor. The next phase of local union council elections across the country will be held on January 31, and the final phase will be held on February 7, according to news reports.

“The abduction and beating of Hossain Baksh demonstrate the significant dangers that Bangladeshi journalists can face while covering elections,” said Steven Butler, CPJ Asia’s program coordinator, in Washington, D.C. “Authorities must conduct an immediate and impartial investigation into the incident, hold the perpetrators accountable, and ensure that journalists can safely and freely report during the upcoming phases of the local union council elections.”

Baksh, who received a pass from the Election Commission to report on the polls, was filming an armed procession led by Ali that was allegedly threatening voters next to a primary school in Madhabpur, when the then-candidate ordered six or seven men to attack Baksh with machetes, sticks, and knives, abduct him, and take him to Ali’s house so “he would be scared of them in the future,” Baksh said, adding that men also stole his camera, smartphones, cash, credit cards, motorcycle key, and national identity card at that time, which they have yet to return.

Baksh told CPJ that the men forced him into a black car and took him to Ali’s house in the Madhabpur upazila. Once at Ali’s house, a group of men, including the then-candidate’s son and nephews, repeatedly and severely beat him with ropes and held him for approximately one and a half hours until around 8:00 a.m., when the Kamalganj police, which were informed by bystanders of Baksh’s abduction, retrieved him, according to Baksh.

Baksh sustained wounds to his head, face, eyes, and legs, and received first aid treatment at the Kamalganj Upazila Health Complex, where he vomited repeatedly and was referred to the Moulvibazar Sadar Hospital for further treatment, according to the Dhaka Tribune and Baksh, who said that he will require further medical treatment for injuries to his eyes.

Baksh told CPJ that he filed a complaint against the perpetrators at the Kamalganj police station today, but an investigating officer did not register a first information report, the first step of a police investigation, against the perpetrators, saying that further investigation would be necessary due to the association of the accused with the Awami League. Baksh added that the officer-in-charge of the station said that he would follow up with Baksh later.

The officer-in-charge of the Kamalganj police station did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment sent via messaging app.

Mohammad Zakaria, superintendent of the Moulvibazar district police, which encompasses the Madhabpur and Kamalganj upazilas, responded to CPJ’s request for comment via messaging app with a police document recording the incident, which said that Baksh is a supporter of the oppositional Bangladesh Nationalist Party, and was traveling to campaign for an independent candidate running in the Madhabpur union council election when Ali’s supporters stopped his car and slapped him before a police officer rescued him from the area and took him to the Kamalganj Upazila Health Complex for treatment.

Baksh and another local reporter with ATN News, who spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity due to fear of reprisal, denied the police’s claim, saying that Baksh was on assignment for ATN News at the time of the attack. The area of the assault identified in the police document is the same as where Ali’s house is located, according to a person familiar with the case, who spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity due to fear of reprisal.

Munni Saha, news head of ATN News, did not immediately respond to CPJ’s request for comment sent via messaging app.

“My husband works for the needy day and night and I support him in his noble works. But as a wife, I am in constant fear. I fear that the Chhattisgarh Police is trying to kill my husband," said Priya Jaiswal, the wife of Jitendra Jaiswal, a journalist currently in Raipur central jail.

"I wasn’t informed about his arrest and when I got the news from mediapersons and somehow managed to contact the SP (superintendent of police) of Raipur, I was told that Jitendra’s brother has been communicated about his arrest,” Priya further stated.

Chhattisgarh Police arrested Jitendra Jaiswal under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) sections 151, 107, and 116 as conveyed by them in the notice of arrest sent to Priya Jaiswal. "Jitendra Jaiswal has been arrested on 10 January and will be produced in Raipur court on 10 January," the notice read.

Raipur Police, in a statement to the media, said, "PS Tikrapara, Distt Raipur has intimated Kumar Jitendra Jaiswal family (his brother who is in police deptt in Balrampur). He has been arrested under preventive sections in relation to police family related protest. He and 3 others were produced before magistrate after which they have been admitted to Raipur Central Jail."

In October 2020, another scribe and strong voice for tribal rights in Chhattisgarh, Kamal Shukla, was assaulted outside the police station in Kanker district of Chhattisgarh. Ironically, he was covering a story of another scribe being beaten at the time.

Jitendra’s wife said that she wasn’t informed by the police about the arrest of her husband initially and got the news from the media. Jitendra lives with his wife and two children, aged eight and six years respectively, in Chhattisgarh’s Ambikapur district and is the editor of Bharat Samman.

Akeel Ahmad, an activist and a professor, and a close aide of Jitendra, told The Quint that this is being done under the pressure of the government.

“Jitendra has been very vocal about a lot of issues that point out the lacunae in governance. One such incident was the custodial death of one tribal person in Ambikapur. Jitendra covered it extensively. From then on, he caught the eyes of the officials. Some of them also threatened him,” Ahmad said.

“Recently he was covering the protest by the families of police personal in Chhattisgarh and on 9 January he had done a news piece showing their problems and exposed a big corruption. After that he was picked up and is being kept in jail, even though the sections under which he has been booked are bailable,” he further claimed.

Journalist Kamal Shukla said that the government and chief minister himself had promised to bring a law to protect journalists but till date there hasn't been any progress on that front. He further opined that the state is witnessing assaults on the journalists and voices trying to expose the faults in the governance and this is not right.

Nilesh Mahobia, lawyer of Jitendra Jaiswal, told The Quint: "Jitendra Jaiswal is in Raipur central jail at present under the IPC section 151. I went to meet and talked to him. He was presented in the court on the night of 10 January and was sent to jail from there. He was presented in the SDM (Sub-Divisional Magistrate) court on 11 January. The court has sought investigation report and further process will follow post this report is filed.”

Journalists in Chhattisgarh have been fighting for a law to protect scribes in the state, however, the bill is in the draft stage and hasn't been tabled in the Assembly.

Two months after the arrest of activist Khurram Parvez and ten days after the arrest of journalist Sajad Gul, the Jammu and Kashmir Police have now arrested human rights activist Ahsan Untoo.

Untoo – the chairman of the International Forum for Justice and Human Rights Jammu and Kashmir – was arrested on Friday, 14 January, for allegedly spreading a secessionist agenda and inciting disaffection against India.

The J&K Police issued a statement to the media on Friday regarding his arrest, claiming he has been part of secessionist discussions on Twitter Spaces (audio discussion rooms):

“It was reliably learnt that Mohammad Ahsan Untoo, resident of Diver (Lolab) Kupwara, a proactive secessionist, is an active participant and speaker at Twitter spaces titled 'Radio Resistance Kashmir' led by two known secessionists namely Muzzammil Ayyub Thakur and Dr Asif Dar. These known secessionists, who are accused in several cases along with Ahsan Untoo, are actively spreading hatred against the Union of India on the social media platform.”

A police spokesperson claimed that Untoo's actions threaten the peaceful atmosphere of the Union Territory and spread "disaffection, ill-will and disharmony" against the Union of India. The police claims that he is inciting youth to resort to violence and indulge in unlawful activities.

They have not yet publicly announced the charges against Untoo, only saying that these activities amount to cognisable offences.

Sajad Gul, a young journalist with The Kashmir Walla, was arrested on 5 January, for posting a video of the protests following the killing of militant Saleem Parray, which included slogans by the militant's family calling for 'Azadi'.

Well-known rights activist Khurram Parvez, the coordinator of the J&K Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS), was arrested by the NIA on 22 November 2021 on terror charges under the UAPA.

Kashmiri journalist Sajad Gul has been booked under the draconian Public Safety Act (PSA) and had been shifted to Kot Bhalwal jail in Jammu, Inspector-General of Police Kashmir zone Vijay Kumar confirmed to The Kashmir Walla on Sunday, 16 January.

The PSA is a preventive detention law under which a person is taken into custody to prevent them from acting harmfully against "the security of the state or the maintenance of the public order" in Jammu and Kashmir. Under the PSA, a person can be detained for a period of 3 to 6 months without trial.

The arrest under the PSA comes a day after the journalist was granted bail by a local court in a criminal conspiracy case. The Case Against Gul

Gul, a trainee reporter at the The Kashmir Walla, had been arrested on 6 January. He has been booked under criminal conspiracy and other charges for posting a video of a family shouting anti-India slogans after their kin was killed in a gunfight in Srinagar.

In the video, the family members could be seen protesting against the killing of alleged Lashkar-e-Taiba commander Salim Parray, who was gunned down 3 January.

A police statement in this regard had said, “The said person (Sajad Gul) under the garb of a journalist is habitual of spreading disinformation, false narratives through different social media platforms in order to create ill will against the government by provoking general masses to resort to violence and disturb public peace and tranquillity… his overall activities are prejudicial to the sovereignty, integrity and unity of India.”

On Saturday, the journalist was granted conditional bail by a local Bandipora court. The police was directed to release Gul against a bond of 30,000 rupees if he was not involved in any other crime, The Kashmir Walla reported.

Gul, however, was not released as his he had been named in another case registered earlier this month, under sections Indian Penal Code 153B (Imputations, assertions prejudicial to national-integration), 147 (rioting), 148 (rioting, armed with deadly weapon), 149 ( every member of unlawful assembly guilty of offence committed in prosecution of common object), 307 (attempt to murder) Indian Penal Code. ADVERTISEMENT 'Journalist Is Not a Crime': Scribes Condemn Case Against Gul

A number of journalists took to Twitter to condemn the case against Gul.

"Police's decision to open a fresh investigation into Sajad Gul even as he was granted bail on previous allegations is a transparent effort to hold him, no matter what the court decides. Authorities must drop the investigation and set him free," the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) Asia said in a tweet.

On January 5, authorities in the central province of Ha Tinh arrested local Facebooker Nguyen Duc Hung and charged him with “conducting anti-state propaganda” under Article 117 of the Criminal Code with potential imprisonment of between seven and 12 years in prison, even to 20 years. Ha Tinh is the coastal province most affected by the waste dumping of Taiwan’s Formosa Steel plant in 2016 and Mr. Hung is among outspoken independent journalists about the environmental disaster. He was kidnapped by the local security forces when he was on his way to workplace.

Nguyen Duc Hung was accused of using social networks such as Facebook and Youtube to address the country’s issues such as land seizure, corruption, environmental pollution caused by industrial groups including Formosa, etc. He will be held incommunicado for at least four months, a common practice applied by Vietnam’s investigation agencies in so-called “national security” cases. Police have also conducted house searches and confiscated his laptops, cell phones and other personal items.

The Vietnam Committee on Human Rights (VCHR) protests the arbitrary conviction of civil society activist Mai Phan Lợi to four years in prison by the Hanoi People’s Court at a one-day trial on 11 January 2022. Lợi was accused of “tax evasion” along with a colleague, Bạch Hùng Dương, who received a 30-month sentence. VCHR deplores the frequent use of tax-related charges as a pretext to detain and silence bloggers, human rights defenders civil society activists and other government critics in Vietnam.

“Mai Phan Lợi’s real “crime” is that of advocating greater independence for civil society in Vietnam” said VCHR President Võ Văn Ái. “As part of the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA), Hanoi pledged to establish a Domestic Advisory Group composed of independent CSOs to monitor the trade agreement and make recommendations on issues of land rights, worker rights and the environment. Mai Phan Lợi is sent to prison simply for urging Vietnam to uphold its binding obligations to the EU and the Vietnamese people”.

Mai Phan Lợi, 51, is founder and chair of the Scientific Board of the Centre for Media in Educating Community (MEC), a government-registered non-profit organisation established in 2012. He is also a journalist, former Hanoi Bureau chief of the law magazine Pháp Luật. He was arrested on 24 June 2021 along with another prominent civil society activist, lawyer Đặng Đình Bách, director of the Law and Policy for Sustainable Development (LPSD). Both men were accused of “tax evasion” under Article 200 of Vietnam’s Criminal Code. No information has been made public so far on the situation of Đặng Đình Bách.

Lợi and Bách were both Executive Board members of VNGO-EVFTA Network, a group of development and environmental CSOs established in 2020 to raise awareness about EVFTA and its civil society component in Vietnam, the Vietnam Domestic Advisory Group (DAG). Lợi’s role was to organize chat-shows and workshops on MEC’s communications channel GTV to highlight the role of civil society in monitoring the implementation of EVFTA in Vietnam.

The Court ruled that Mai Phan Lợi had “ordered his subordinates not to keep accounting records” and “not to declare and pay tax”. According to reports of the trial in the State-controlled press, Lợi and his accomplice had evaded taxes of almost 2 billion dongs (77,500 Euros) from subventions and donations worth over 19 billion dongs received by his organisation over the past 10 years.

The arrests of these civil society activists and the lack of independence of the Vietnamese DAG has been strongly denounced by its EU counterpart, the EU DAG, most recently in a statement issued at the first meeting of the Vietnam-EU Joint Civil Society Dialogue Forum in November 2021: ”The EU DAG has consistently raised the cases of several civil society representatives in Vietnam arrested and imprisoned in recent months directly with both parties to the EVFTA. We are concerned by the limited number of participants in the Vietnamese DAG and therefore ask that a defined process for further civil society engagement and participation be clarified. This is all the more urgent as we understand that a number of civil society organisations have had their applications for participation [in the DAG] rejected on unclear grounds”.

Stressing that EVFTA “explicitly calls for DAGs to be composed of “independent representative organisations” (Article 13.14.15 of the Trade and Sustainable Development Chapter), the EU DAG recalled that the civil society component was “the bedrock on which it can be ensured that the commitments undertaken are implemented in practice by both Parties”.

To obtain ratification of EVFTA, Vietnam adhered to all these provisions, but has failed to live up to its promises. Whereas the EU DAG, which was established in 2020 and consists of over 20 members including human rights NGOs, worker and employers organisations, business groups and environmental organisations, the Vietnamese DAG was not established until August 2021 – one year after EVFTA came into force. It has only three members, the Vietnamese Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the Institute for Workers and Trade Unions (an affiliate of the State-sponsored Vietnam General Confederation of Labour), and the Centre for Sustainable Rural Development (SRD). The criteria of independence specified for DAGs under EVFTA are clearly not applied in Vietnam.

VCHR calls on Vietnam to immediately release Mai Phan Lợi, Đặng Đình Bách, Bạch Hùng Dương and all other civil society activists detained for the legitimate exercise of their right to freedom of expression, association, assembly and freedom of religion or belief.

Police in Vietnam have arrested land rights activist Le Manh Ha on charges of spreading anti-state materials on social media, his wife told RFA Thursday.

Ha’s arrest Wednesday already marks the sixth time since the start of this year that authorities have detained people for human rights advocacy.

He had been operating a YouTube account called “People’s Voice Television” and a Facebook account called “Voice of the Vietnamese People,” where he shared his criticisms of the government.

Years ago, the government took his community’s land in Na Hang district in the northern province of Tuyen Quang to build a power plant. He has said that the government has not yet paid him and his former neighbors proper compensation. Since then, Ha has studied Vietnamese law and has helped others with legal advice and petitioning the government.

Police in plainclothes arrested Ha Wednesday in Tuyen Quang’s Chiem Hoa district. They took him to his current home in Tuyen Quang city and searched his house. His family told RFA’s Vietnamese Service that the authorities have not yet provided them with any documentation related to the arrest.

“At about 8:30 a.m. yesterday when I was getting my mother to the hospital, a local resident informed me that the police arrested Ha in Chiem Hoa,” Ha’s wife, Ma Thi Tho said.

“I decided to return home and got back around 9 a.m. and there were many police officers, around 20 or 30 of them, surrounding my home,” she said.

She said the police brought Le Manh Ha to the home at about 10:30 that morning.

“Shortly after his arrival, they read out a house search warrant and an order to prosecute my husband,” she said.

Among the items taken from Ha’s house were books on Vietnamese laws and its constitution.

Tho said police officers told her that her husband was in violation of Article 117 of Vietnam’s penal code, which prohibits spreading propaganda against the state. Article 117 has been described by analysts as a vague set of rules frequently used by authorities to stifle peaceful critics of the country’s one-party communist government.

“The real reason is because he has been fighting for the people,” Tho said.

Le Dinh Viet, Ha’s defense lawyer, said his client has been fighting to correct the injustice of not being compensated for his land during the construction of the hydropower plant.

“He did not break any laws,” Viet said.

The Tuyen Quang hydropower plant began operations in 2008, but the government has not yet finished compensating affected families. Authorities promised to provide 16 square meters of land in Tuyen Quang city for each family, but in 16 years, only half of them have received their plot of land.

While all land in Vietnam is ultimately held by the state, land confiscations have become a flashpoint between citizens and their government. Some small landholders have accused authorities of pushing them aside in favor of lucrative real estate or infrastructure projects, and then paying too little in compensation.

“The Vietnamese government is using criminal law to intimidate and shut down people peacefully protesting against land confiscation,” Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said in December 2021 about the arrests of other land rights activists in the country.

“The government should release [everyone] arrested and imprisoned under Article 117, and abolish this abusive law,” he said.

Among the remaining five arrestees this year were Le Thanh Nhat Nguyen, Le Thanh Hoan Nguyen, and Le Thanh Trung Duong, monks at the Peng Lai Temple in the southern province of Long An.

The three monks, along with their previously arrested leader Le Tung Van, were charged with article 331 for “abusing rights to freedom and democrary to violate the State’s interests, legitimate interest of organizations and individuals.”

State media did not reveal their crime, but article 331 is often used in cases involving activists advocating for human rights and religious freedom.

The other two arrestees were Nguyen Thai Hung and his wife Vu Thi Kim Hoang from the southern province of Dong Nai. Hung was in the middle of a livestream when police stormed in and arrested the couple.

"They are abusing Babasaheb Ambedkar, they are abusing me, threatening to assault and rape me. It's become difficult to go outside my house. It is easy for them to attack me because I am a Dalit woman and they feel they can do anything to me."

Meena Kotwal

Journalist Meena Kotwal has been facing a relentless barrage of death threats and rape threats ever since she posted a video on social media of her burning the Manusmriti on 25 December 2021. She claims that those making the threat calls identified themselves as members of the VHP, Bajrang Dal, and Karni Sena.

Kotwal tells The Quint, "I have said nothing wrong in the video. The Manusmriti contains a lot of anti-women and anti-Dalit content. Babasaheb Ambedkar had also burned the Manusmriti, on 25 December 1927. Since then, Ambedkarites have been observing the day as Manusmriti Dahan Divas."

"Every year, lakhs of people burn a symbolic image of the Manusmriti as an act of resistance. I have done the same, but I am being constantly abused for it. I think it is because I am a Dalit woman who is vocal about the rights and issues of the community."

Meena Kotwal, journalist

Following a complaint by Kotwal, the Delhi Police have registered an FIR on the threats against her, under provisions of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and two sections of the IPC (criminal intimidation and intention to insult the modesty of a woman). ‘They Threatened That I Will Suffer the Same Fate as Gauri Lankesh’

"Those threatening me are calling and telling me that I will suffer the same fate as slain journalist Gauri Lankesh. I am a journalist, my work is on the field. But the way these people have been threatening me, I am worried that they may physically attack me. "

Meena Kotwal

Kotwal adds, "If they try to fight me legally, I am ready for that. If they wish to register an FIR or a case against me, I am ready for that because I have not done anything wrong. I request the police and the government to provide me security arrangements because anything untoward could happen, at any time."

On December 30, 2021, Ms. Kotwal filed a complaint with the Ambedkar Nagar Police Station in New Delhi, with details of the numbers she was being threatened and abused from and enclosing screenshots of the abuses and threats. The SHO of the Ambedkar Nagar police station Mr. Mukesh Kumar Moga asked the Sub inspector Mr. Bansi Lal to file Ms. Kotwal’s complaint. According to her the SI Mr. Lal made her sit for a long time and advised her on not to do such things instead of filing her complaint. On her saying that she needs the receipt of the FIR, he said that it will take time. Ms. Kotwal said that she will meet the DCP and return to take the paperwork for the FIR. After she submitted a copy of the complaint to the Addl. DCP South West Delhi Ms. Benita Mary Jaiker, she was told that her FIR will be filed in the Ambedkar Nagar Police Station. She went back there but an FIR based on her complaint was not filed and since then she has been running pillar to post to get her FIR filed. According to the guidelines issued by the Delhi Police, a woman can lodge a complaint via email or registered post or even send a written complaint through an email or registered post addressed to a senior police officer of the level of Deputy Commissioner or Commissioner of Police. The officer then directs the SHO of the police station, of the area where the incident occurred, to conduct proper verification of the complainant and lodge an FIR. The police can then come over to the residence of the victim to take her statement. The FIR has to be filed and then an investigation takes place. However, so far no FIR has been lodged on Ms. Kotwal’s complaint. We fear that this apathy of the police is a sign of indifference and negligence of the Delhi Police towards crimes against Dalits, specially Dalit women, who often face apathy and hostility towards them in a police station. We are shocked that the FIR based on the complaint of a Dalit WHRD was not filed despite her repeated attempts. This inaction of the Delhi police has put the Dalit WHRD in grave danger from the death threats she is getting.

The prospect of the establishment of a police camp in Nahadi village, 70 km away from the Dantewada district headquarters, has had members of the tribal communities in 13 villages in Kuakonda development block in Chhattisgarh protesting for over a month now.

The residents of these villages are primarily demanding the establishment of a hospital, a school and an anganwadi, rather than a police camp.

Their demonstrations are also in support of the ongoing agitation in Silger village at the border of the rural Bijapur-Sukma district, where three people were killed and several others injured this May when the police opened fire on a group of tribes people protesting against the establishment of a Central Reserve Police Force camp in Sukma.

“If a police camp is set up here, it will be difficult for us to even leave our houses,” a resident of one of the 13 villages told The Wire. “It is always difficult to visit other villages or even the forest in the presence of a camp. The police personnel harass us and the women in our families. That’s why we don’t want a camp here. We need hospitals, anganwadis and schools instead.”

‘Afraid of the police’

Demanding action against the culprits of the Silger police firing this May, the 2012 killing of 17 Adivasis by the police in Sarkeguda in Bijapur, and the killing of four minors and four adults in Edesmetta of the same Bijapur district in 2013, the residents of the 13 villages began their agitation in support of a protest already in progress in the district.

But on December 9, 2021, personnel of the District Reserve Guard (DRG) including women commandos suddenly raided the protest site in Nahadi’s Karka area, assaulted the protestors and ordered them to vacate the premises.

Witnesses said that the DRG personnel had set fire to the stage at the protest site by lobbing burning logs at it from chulhas (earthen stoves) set up in the protestors’ makeshift kitchen.

However, soon after the incident, a video went viral on local WhatsApp groups in which villagers state that the fire had started in a nearby paddy field and moved to the protestors’ stage and that the DRG personnel had in fact extinguished the fire.

Locals claim that the police had shot the video themselves and circulated it.

The villagers also allege that the DRG personnel dismantled the boundary around the stage, uprooted the protestors’ tent and seized all the material the villagers had used to set up the protest site to prevent them from starting another camp. The police also allegedly ignited firecrackers while raiding the protest site.

This action by the DRG personnel has caused panic among villagers in Karka, claim residents of other villages. Rumours in the area claim that if the villagers of Karka even step out of their houses, they are interrogated by police personnel and threatened with dire consequences.

The Wire tried to confirm these rumours with local sources, but the villagers claim to be too afraid to speak to the media.

The candlelight march on Sunday, called by a group of teachers aspirant protesting in the state capital Lucknow over alleged irregularities in the 2019 Uttar Pradesh exam to recruit 69,000 assistant teachers in the state, ended in indiscriminate lathi-charge by police, leaving about a dozen protesters injured.

Enraged by the police action, the unions have called for a state-wide demonstration this week in protest against lathi-charge on the youth march.

According to eye-witnesses, the lathi-charge took place when a group of teacher aspirants were demonstrating at a prominent junction and were headed towards Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath's residence. The police stopped them and resorted lathi-charge, leaving several protesters seriously injured. Videos of the incident also went viral on social media.

In 2019, the Uttar Pradesh government had held a mega recruitment drive and examination for hiring 69,000 assistant school teachers. However, the entire process was marred with allegations of bias and irregularities, including on allocation of quotas in the merit list of those selected.

As a result, candidates belonging to Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Classes (OBC) categories had been protesting since the past two years.

The protesters alleged that a recent scam in the appointment of 69,000 teachers has revealed that instead of 27%, the OBC candidates were given just 4% reservation, while SC aspirants were provided with just 16% reservation instead of 22.5% .

They said that according to the reservation policy, the total number of OBC candidates should have been 27% of the total 69,000 vacancies, that is, 18,598 seats. But, according to this calculation based on the cut-off percentage given by the state, the total seats for OBC candidates are a measly 2,637. The candidates also alleged that general category persons had ‘adjusted’ seats of the OBC candidates.

Amit Tiwari, as aspirant teacher, who was injured during in the police crackdown, said: “Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath said plenty of government jobs are available in the state, but there is a dearth of educated and suitable candidates who can qualify for those jobs. We are protesting for the past two years close to his residence in Lucknow, but instead of recognising our talent, he and his police has chosen to beat us. We will not keep silent until our demands met. The youth of Uttar Pradesh are ready to teach a lesson to this government.”

The protesting candidates are demanding that 22,000 of 69,000 posts still lying vacant for assistant teacher should be opened for recruitment. They alleged that even after the Supreme Court’s order, they are not being appointed.

The candidates said their strike would continue till their demands are met. The teachers’ union is now mobilising students to support them and reach Lucknow’s Eco Garden on Tuesday to launch a “mass movement” ahead of Assembly elections due early next year.

Meanwhile, Sunday’s lathi-charge by Lucknow police on protesting teachers was criticised by several political parties, including Samajwadi Party.

“We will remember this lathi-charge while casting our votes in the upcoming elections,” Yudveer Singh, an applicant of Deoria, who is on his way to Lucknow along with 20 others to join protest told NewsClick.

“The CM who denied reservation to Dalit and backward communities during the recruitment of 69,000 assistant school teachers, is now lashing out on them with lathis. Amid a peaceful candle march of the 69,000 teacher recruitment candidates, the police started lathi charge is sad and shameful! The youth unemployed will be revolutionized, there will be a change in twenty," a tweet by Samajwadi Party handle reads.

Meanwhile, Varun Gandhi, ruling Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) leader and MP from Pilibhit, who was vocal in support of the farmers’ movement, attacked his government over the police crackdown.

Criticising police action against protesting candidates of UP teachers' test in Lucknow, Gandhi asked why recruitments were not taking place when there were vacancies in the government. Sharing a video of police action against candidates holding a candlelight march over alleged irregularities, Gandhi said: "These children are also 'Sons of Mother India', let alone accepting their demands, no one ready to listen to them. Above this, barbaric 'lathicharge' on them. Put your hand on heart and think they would be treated the same if they were your own children. You have vacancies as well as qualified candidates, so why are recruitments not taking place."

Teacher applicants from across the state are reaching Eco Garden in a large number after police brutal crackdown. They are angry with the government and planning to play a major role to defeat

BJP in the upcoming elections.

TIMELINE

• On December 1, 2018, the Adityanath-led state government issued an order for filling up 69,000 vacant posts and on December 6, 2018, the posts were advertised. On January 6, 2019, examination for the recruitment of 69,000 assistant teachers was conducted.

• On January 7, 2019, the government revised the passing criterion, at 65% (97 out of 150 marks) for general candidates and 60% (90 out of 150 marks) for reserved category candidates. This led to outrage and some candidates approached the high court.

• On March 29, 2019, hearing the case, the court gave its verdict in favour of the candidates and set 40% and 45% for reserved and general category candidates, respectively.

• On May 6, 2020, HC disposed of the case by upholding the state government’s revised eligibility criteria of passing reserved and general category candidates (60% and 65% marks) in the examination held.

• On May 12, 2020, the result of written test was announced. A total of 1.46 lakh candidates - 36.6% - were declared as having qualified.

• On May 13, 2020, the counselling schedule was announced for appointment of 69,000 assistant teachers to be recruited according to the merit and districts of their choices and vacancies available.

• Between June 3 and 6, 2020, counselling of the selected candidates and verification of documents was scheduled to be held.

• On June 3, 2020, the Lucknow bench of Allahabad high court stayed the appointment process of 69,000 assistant basic teachers.

• Candidates took the matter to the SC. On June 9, SC issued an interim order to fill 31,277 posts, with the remaining posts to be filled later after the final verdict of the apex court.

• On October 16, CM distributed appointment letters to 31,227 assistant teachers.

• On Nov 18, SC allowed the UP government to fill up vacancies for 69,000 assistant basic education teachers in the state, as per the results declared in May 2020.

The police on Friday detained tribal leaders and sent back people who were staging a sit-in protest against a mining project at Surjagarh in Etapalli tehsil of Maharashtra's Gadchiroli district. Since the last five days, locals in the area have been staging a dharna against the iron ore mining project in Surjagarh, demanding cancellation of the lease granted to a private company.

According to the police, the locals were given permission to hold a morcha and not a sit-in agitation.

Local tribals along with Zilla Parishad member Sainu Gota and member of Shetkari Kamgar Paksh Ramdas Jarate had launched an indefinite sit-in protest under the aegis of 'Surjagarh Paramparik Ilaka Gotul Samiti' on Monday.

Speaking to PTI, Gadchiroli superintendent of police Ankit Goyal said some leaders at the dharna were detained and people were requested to leave and they left.

"They were given permission for a morcha and not a dharna. However, they had been staging a dharna for the last four to five days. The police and district collector visited the spot and requested protestors to withdraw the agitation," the official said.

Background of the Incident: Local Adivasi communities in Gadchiroli have been fiercely opposing the 25 government sanctioned mines in Gadchiroli, which includes the mine at Surjagad. The Adivasi communities state that the decision to grant mining licenses is illegal as the gram sabhas in the region have not given the permission for the same. On October 25, 2021, there was a peaceful morcha carried out against the mining leases and had nearly 4,000 protestors from local Adivasi villages. The morcha ended at Etapalli, where several protestors camped. Details of the Incident: On October 29, 2021, at around 5.45 a.m. a large police force, of around 300 police personnel, some in uniform and some in plain clothes, swooped down at the protest sites and detained Mr. Sainu Gota, Ms. Sheela Gota, Mr. Ramdas Jarate, Ms. Jaishree Velda, Mr. Nitin Pada and Mr. Amol Marakwar. They were put in vans and taken to a police camp in Aheri. They were not even allowed to wear chappals and had to walk barefoot until they were presented before the judicial magistrate. Mr. Jarate was not allowed to wear clothes and was taken to the police camp in his shorts and half shirt that he had been wearing when the raid happened. No paperwork was given to any of them for either detention or arrest. At Aheri police camp, they were made to sit in a separate room until 1 p.m. like criminals. Thereafter, each one of them were called by Mr. Anuj Tare, Additional Superintendent of Police, who asked them what they are planning to do next. On October 29, 2021, at around 4 p.m., they were taken to Aheri police station and were formally charged. An FIR (0036/2021) was registered at the Etapalli police station against nine HRDs and 100 unnamed individuals under Indian Penal Code sections 188 (Disobedience) and 269 (Negligent act likely to spread infection of disease dangerous to life), Section 2 of Epidemics Act which gives power to state government to take special measures and prescribe regulations as to dangerous epidemic disease and the Maharashtra Police Act sections 37 (1), 37 (3), 135. The FIR has named Mr. Sainu Gota, Ms. Sheela Gota, Ramdas Jarate, Ms. Jaishree Velda, Nitin Pada, Amol Marakwar, Mr. Lalsu Nagoti, Mr. Prajwal Namulwar, Ms. Premila Kulyami. At 5.30 p.m. they were taken to the district court and were granted bail. Their lawyers were present at the court, but they were not allowed to speak with them at any time prior to this. At 6.15 p.m. they were taken to back to the police camp, even after being granted bail where they were held stating that they were being issued a notice by the sub-divisional magistrate of Etapalli. At 9.15 p.m. they were issued a notice under section 107 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), which provides powers to an executive magistrate if he is convinced that individuals are likely to commit a breach of the peace or disturb the public tranquility to ask individuals to show cause as to why they should not execute a bond. After the notice was issued, they were released. During their illegal detention and arrest, Inspector Patil of Etapalli police station, confiscated two phones belonging to Mr. Jarate and Ms. Velda. On October 30, 2021, Mr. Jarate called Mr. Patil and asked him to return the mobile phone. In response, Mr. Patil said that he had not taken the mobile phone. The phones were later found in the same police station and returned to Mr. Jarate a few days later.

About the Human Rights Defenders: Ms. Anita Das and Mr. Dipak Kumar Singh are General Secretary and President, respectively of the Ranchi Footpath Dukandar Hawker Sangh (RFDHS), a trade union of hawkers, street vendors and shopkeepers in Ranchi. They are also associated with the National Hawkers Federation, and have participated in many struggles seeking recognition and protection for hawkers and street vendors for several years. Background of the incident: On November 22, 2021, at around 10 AM, 5-6 officials from the Enforcement team of Ranchi Municipal Corporation arrived in the Birsa Chowk area in Ranchi in an official vehicle and launched a hawker eviction drive. Although there were many female hawkers and vendors in the stretch between Birsa Chowk and Hinu Chowk, all the officials were men. They forcibly seized the goods and properties of hawkers and street vendors leading to heated arguments, pushed and shoved hawkers when they came in the way, and loaded their goods in the official truck. Some hawkers also tried to unload their goods from the truck. The eviction drive was illegal as the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014, mandates that eviction drives can be conducted only after clearance from the local town vending committee. In case of Ranchi, the Town Vending Committee (TVC) met on October 26, 2021, and cleared eviction drives in some areas enlisted in Notice no. 665/DAY-NULM of Ranchi Municipal Corporation, however, there was no mention of the stretch between Birsa Chowk and Hinu Chowk in this list. Details of the Incident: Around 11 AM, leaders of the RFDHS Ms. Anita Das and Mr. Dipak Singh arrived at the eviction spot, and demanded to see the TVC’s permission and the seizure list, as required under Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014. Enforcement officials claimed the eviction was being conducted following orders from the Commissioner of Ranchi, but they failed to show any official papers, and had prolonged arguments with the HRDs. Meanwhile, the enforcement team informed the Daronda Police Station, and at around 12 PM, 3-4 police personnel including Officer in Charge Mr. S Mahasha, arrived at the spot and intervened on behalf of the enforcement team. They left after 15-20 minutes. The arguments and counter-arguments between the enforcement team and the HRDs continued till 1 PM, after which the eviction was called off. Enforcement officers video- recorded most parts of the argument on their mobile phone. On November 22, 2021, a fabricated case (FIR no 261/ 2021) was registered in the Doranda Police Station against Ms. Das, Mr. Singh and others in reprisal for opposing the illegal eviction drive. They were charged under Sections 341 (wrongful restraint), 186 (obstructing public servant in discharge of official duties), 34 (common intention) of the Indian Penal Code, and Section 3 (mischief causing damage to public property) of the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act. The case was based on a complaint signed by Mr. Manoj Kumar and 10 other enforcement team officials, who alleged some people led by Ms. Das prevented them from conducting the eviction drive, misbehaved with them and abused them. Ms. Das and others also damaged the official vehicle and forcibly unloaded some seized goods, they claimed. The FIR was registered by the Officer in Charge of Doranda Police Station Mr. S Mahasha, and Sub Inspector Mr. Om Prakash Toppo was designated as the Investigating Officer in the case. It is clear that the police and enforcement team officials acted with malafide intentions to target the HRDs who were opposing the violation of laws protecting the interests of street vendors and hawkers. Police officials were present at incident spot and witnessed a large part of the arguments and counter-arguments. Yet, they registered an FIR against the HRDs immediately upon receiving the complaint from enforcement officers without even conducting a preliminary probe.

About the Human Rights Defenders: Mr. Muralidhar Sahoo, Mr. Bibekananda Swain and others are residents of Dhinkia panchayat under Erasama block in Odisha’s Jagatsinghpur district. They have been opposing efforts to set up large industries in the coastal belt for over 20 years fearing ecological destruction and loss of forests and livelihoods. Mr. Sahoo and others participated in a peaceful movement opposing a steel plant and port by South Korean steel giant POSCO for 15 years. Although the Odisha government forcibly acquired land for the project in 2013 and cut down over 3 lakh trees, opposition against the project remained strong, and in 2017, POSCO exited. A year later, the state government announced that the Jindal Steel Works (JSW) would set up a mega project at the site comprising steel, power and cement plants and captive jetties. Mr. Muralidhar Sahoo, Mr. Bibekananda Swain and other HRDs in Dhinkia panchayat renewed their movement and in subsequent months and years, they conducted numerous public meetings, rallies and demonstrations opposing the JSW project. In recent months, they also opposed the project in public hearings conducted by the administration. Background of the Incident: Mahala and Patana under Dhinkia panchayat in Erasama block of Jagatsinghpur district were accorded the status of revenue villages by the Odisha government in April 2020 and August 2020 respectively. Local villagers feared the decision was taken to facilitate the JSW project and fracture the movement, and held several meetings and allies opposing the move. On November 30, 2021, administrative officials undertook demarcation in Patana amidst the presence of 14 platoons of police personnel. Residents of the village held a peaceful demonstration beside the local temple. Armed policemen were deployed to intimidate the protestors and they had been given only a day’s notice regarding demarcation. Delimitation work in Mahala village was scheduled the next day. On December 1, 2021, when revenue officials led by Erasama Tehsildar Mr. C Pranjyananda Das reached Mahala for demarcation work along with a large contingent of police personnel. Local residents protested by forming a human chain. Eventually, the demarcation wo rk was called off and revenue officials and police left the area. Details of the Incident: On December 1, 2021, at 8 PM, an FIR (123/ 2021) was registered at the Abhayachandpur Police Station against 34 HRDs including Mr. Muralidhar Sahoo and Mr. Bibekananda Swain and 300 other unnamed villagers for blocking the entry of officials into Mahala. The accused were charged under 143 (unlawful assembly), 341 (wrongful restraint), 294 (absence of complainant), 506 (criminal intimidation), 353 (assault or use of criminal force on a public servant), 186 (voluntarily obstructing any public servant in the discharge of his public functions), and 149 (common intent) of the Indian Penal Code. The FIR was registered by Inspector In Charge of Abhyachandpur police station Mr. Pradyumna Behera on the basis of a complaint by Erasama Tehsildar Mr. Choudhury Pranjyananda Das, who alleged that around 200 women and 100 men led by Mr. Muralidhar Sahoo, Mr. Bibekananda Swain and others obstructed revenue officials from carrying out their work. Sub Inspector Mr. K. Ch. Nayak was designated as the Investigating Officer in the case. Though no one has been arrested in the case yet, Mr. Sahoo and other HRDs in the area fear they might be detained and arrested in violation of due procedure.

On December 4, 2021, at about 3 AM, a police contingent under the leadership of Assistant Superintendent of Police of Paradeep Mr. Nimaichran Sethi, including Sub Inspectors Mr. Ashutosh Hota and Mr. Chinmaya Pany and 4 platoons of armed police, reached Mr. Swain’s house in 10 police vehicles. When HRD’s mother went to open the door, Mr. Hota shouted at her in filthy language. When she and other family members objected to police entering their house, the police broke open the door. Butas many villagers rushed to the spot after hearing the commotion, police beat a hasty retreat. Coinciding with the police raid on Mr. Swain’s house, Gobindpur resident Mr. Prabhat Kumar Rout submitted a written complaint at the Abhayachandpur Police Station. He alleged that at around 2 AM on December 4, 2021, Mr. Basanta Gochayat, Mr. Chuguna Jena and others hurled bombs towards his house and fled on motorcycles towards Dhinkia, and that he saw the miscreants entering Mr. Swain’s house when he followed them. He also claimed Mr. Swain had threatened to kill him in the past, including during demarcation work in Mahala village on December 1, 2021 Abhayachandpur Police Station Inspector In Charge Mr. Pradyumna Behera registered an FIR (125/ 2021) against Mr. Swain, Mr. Gochayat, Mr. Jena and three others on the basis of Mr. Rout’s complaint and directed Sub Inspector Mr. Hota to investigate the case. The accused were charged under Sections 294 (absence of complainant), 506 (criminal intimidation), 307, 34 of the Indian Penal Code and Sections 3 and 4 of the Explosive Substances Act. Around an hour later, at .05 AM on December 4, 2021, Sub Inspector Mr. Hota submitted a written complaint at Abhayachandpur police station. He alleged that while was on his way to Gobindpur village with two other policemen to investigate FIR no 125/ 2021, at 3.20 AM Mr. Swain and 20-25 anti-socials obstructed their way, abused them in filthy language, assaulted them and forcibly snatched Mr. Hota’s service revolver forcing them to retreat. Based on Mr. Hota’s complaint, Mr. Behera registered a second FIR (126/ 2021) against Mr. Swain, Mr. Gochayat, Mr. Jena and others. In all, the FIR named 15 persons as accused apart from 15-20 unnamed others and they were charged under Section 395 (dacoity) of the Indian Penal Code. Sub Inspector Mr. C R Pany was directed to investigate the case. Around three hours later, at 7 AM on December 4, 2021, a third FIR (127/ 2021) was registered against Mr. Swain, Mr. Gochayat, Mr. Jena and others. Mr. Behera, the complainant in the case, claimed that when he along with Sub Inspectors Mr. Swetapadma Dash, Mr. Hota and Mr. Pany and other police personnel reached Mr. Swain’s residence at 4.30 AM to recover Mr. Hota’s service revolver, around 100 villagers who were waiting in ambush attacked them. They pelted stones, abused and assaulted policemen and damaged two police buses, forcing the police to retreat. In all, the third FIR named 60 persons as accused apart from 100 unnamed others, charged under Sections 147, 148, 341, 333, 353, 307, 427, 294, 379, 186, 149, 332, 506 of the Indian Penal Code, Sections 3 and 4 of Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act and Section 7 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act. Mr. Swain, Mr. Gochayat, Mr. Jena and many other HRDs named in the FIRs fear they will be arrested in violation of due procedure and subjected to custodial torture.

Authorities at Yangon’s Insein Prison have refused to allow medical treatment to nearly 90 detainees who were brutally beaten a week ago during a nationwide “Silent Strike” protest against Myanmar's military junta rule, the detainees’ relatives and lawyers said Friday.

Dozens of political prisoners showed their solidarity with nationwide demonstrations by staying in their cells after morning roll call and singing the protest song “Our Pledge in Blood” in unison.

Authorities at the infamous Yangon detention facility attacked the prisoners for joining the Silent Strike, which was held on Human Rights Day on Dec. 10. The strike left many cities and towns empty as citizens stayed home in protest of the military regime and its brutal crackdown following its Feb. 1 coup.

At Insein, prison authorities threw strike organizers into solitary confinement and shackled their legs, sources close to the prisoners told RFA in an earlier report.

Some of the prisoners were critically wounded but were denied medical care, while some female prisoners were subjected to sexual harassment, sources said.

A pro-democracy student leader who had joined the prison strike suffered critical head and back injuries that were left untreated. He was instead placed in solitary confinement as punishment for participating, his family said.

Sitt Naing, vice chairman of the Yangon University of Education Students’ Union, who was involved in the Silent Strike in Insein Prison, is in critical condition, a relative said.

“As family members, we are worried about his life,” said the woman, who declined to give her name out of fear of retribution. “It is because he is not even allowed to apply medicine to the wounds, let alone receive medical treatment.

“We believe that his life is still in danger,” she added. “He urgently needs medical treatment.”

Wai Yan Phyo Moe, vice chairman of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe, spokesman for student rights for the Yangon University Students’ Union, were also severely beaten during the crackdown, family members said. They are reportedly being held in solitary confinement with their legs in shackles.

Mya Moe, mother of Lay Pyay Soe Moe, told RFA that prison staff denied her son medical help. “On the day of the trial, the lawyers brought some ointment for his wounds but were not allowed to apply them,” she said. “He was rudely told to put his shirt back on and to ‘stop the nonsense.’ That’s how the prison staff talked to him.”

RFA could not reach Insein Prison officials or Myanmar’s Ministry of Justice. Ministries have not responded to media requests for comment since the coup, and only junta spokesmen can issue statements.

A spokesman for the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP), a nonprofit human rights organization based in Mae Sot, Thailand, said refusing medical treatment to wounded detainees was a “grave violation of human rights” by prison authorities and that those responsible should be held accountable.

The spokesman asked not to be identified for safety reasons.

A lawyer representing some of the prisoners said the victims asked the court for their injuries to be recorded, but the court refused.

“We saw some clients at trial who had been beaten,” he said. “When they were brought in, the lawyers showed the injuries they had sustained and requested that the court put them on record, but some courts rejected the requests.”

Junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun in an earlier report denied that there had been any protests inside Insein Prison.

Following the Silent Strike, prison authorities enacted stricter measures for detainees, transferring some to cells with criminals and other forms of repression that violated human rights, said Tun Kyi, a member of the Former Political Prisoners Society.

“A prison is one of the worst and most serious mechanisms for violating human rights, and it’s where human dignity can be taken away,” he said.

Before being taken out of Insein Prison for court hearings, authorities instructed female prisoners to take off their sarongs so they could feel and search their genitals, he said.

“It was OK for inmates to send letters to their families in the past, and families could also send in letters, but now they have banned all these exchanges,” he said.

News of the prisoner maltreatment has been leaked from the inside by detainees clandestinely passing small notes to family members and their lawyers during their trials.

When prisoners are taken to court for hearings, authorities constantly monitor their conversations with their attorneys and have threatened the lawyers not to leak information to the media, attorneys and family members of those imprisoned said.

The International Committee of the Red Cross, which used to make humanitarian visits to prisons until March 2020, is still waiting for permission to resume its prison activities.

On Friday, the AAPP reported that junta forces have killed 1,346 people and arrested 11,023 others since the Feb. 1 coup.

Police in Vietnam broke into a home and arrested a couple while the husband was livestreaming criticism of the government, their family told RFA.

Nguyen Thai Hung and his wife Vu Thi Kim Hoang were arrested Jan. 5 at about 6 p.m. in their home in the southern province of Dong Nai while Hung was on YouTube.

Viewers of the livestream were able to witness the arrest as it occurred. About 20 minutes into the broadcast, Hung left his computer to investigate what sounded like glass breaking. Shortly after, a man in an orange “Electricity of Vietnam” uniform appeared in frame, shouting, “Stay still. Don’t move.”

At that point, the webcam was turned down to show only a corner of the table and what looks to be a script.

Provincial authorities charged Hoang with “abusing the rights to freedom and democracy to violate the state’s interests.” They have yet to make any official statement on Hung’s arrest.

The couple’s arrest was carried out by people in plain clothes, Hoang’s sister, Vu Giang Tien, told RFA.

“Two men suddenly broke into my sister’s house by climbing over the fence. Then they cut the gate lock open and rushed into the house,” she said.

“My sister’s oldest daughter got scared and started screaming. My mother, who lives next door, came over immediately and shouted, ‘Robbers! Robbers!’ when seeing the intruders in plain clothes, not in police uniforms,” Tien said.

When a man wearing yellow appeared with a gun, Tien said her mother stopped shouting out of fear.

“Those people took the two kids to a room upstairs to ask questions. Others who had already entered the house broke the glass door to open it. They searched the house, making a big mess, and they arrested Hung and Hoang and took them away,” Tien said.

The police did not announce why the couple were arrested or present any documents related to the arrest, the family said.

When the family asked why Hoang was also arrested, the police said they needed to take her away for investigation because she was involved in concealing a crime.

Two days later, the family went to the police station to find out more and were told by police that Hoang had been arrested for “abusing the rights to freedom and democracy” and that she was being held at a detention house elsewhere in the province.

The police did not provide them with any information about Hung, they said.

Tien said that Hung had been sharing his views on his YouTube channel for more than a year. The channel, established in January 2020, has around 40,000 followers. Videos are no longer available on the account.

Hung’s Facebook account is active, but the most recent post, which discussed the death of a young soldier, Tran Duc Do, is from July 2021.

Vietnam is ranked 175th out of 180 countries in the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders World Press Freedom Index for 2021. Vietnam’s already low tolerance of dissent deteriorated sharply in 2020 with a spate of arrests of independent journalists, publishers and Facebook personalities in the run-up to the ruling Communist Party Congress in January 2021.

Police have arrested at least 40 political dissidents since then, most of them charged with "disseminating anti-state materials,” according to RFA reports.

Authorities in northwestern China’s Qinghai province arrested a Tibetan college graduate last year for speaking against Chinese policies mandating the teaching of Chinese language in Tibetan areas, RFA has learned.

Loten, 23, was taken into custody on Dec. 20 in Matoe (in Chinese, Maduo) county in the Golog (Guoluo) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture after objecting on social media to the replacement of Tibetan-language textbooks in local schools, a source in Tibet said.

“He said that China’s policy will eventually disconnect young Tibetans from their own language in the future,” RFA’s source said, speaking on condition of anonymity for security reasons.

Loten is now being held at an unknown location in Qinghai’s provincial capital Xining, the source said. “His family was only informed of his arrest over the phone and hasn’t been allowed to see him yet. They were told that Loten is now being given political education,” he added.

Beginning on Sept. 21, 2021, the Tibetan language has been sidelined as the medium of instruction in Tibetan schools in Qinghai, with more focus given now to classes in written Chinese language and basic Chinese speaking skills, RFA’s source said.

“Many Tibetan parents are concerned about these changes and the policies being implemented by the Chinese government, but they have no way to do anything about them,” he said.

Qinghai authorities had earlier detained two Tibetan students identified as Gyuldrak and Yangrik, both 19, in Golog’s Darlag (Dari) county in August for opposing plans to use the Chinese language as the only medium of instruction in Tibetan schools, sources told RFA in earlier reports.

The policy had already aroused widespread opposition among Tibetans in neighboring Sichuan, where Tibetan private schools have been closed and children sent to government schools amid parents’ concerns for their children’s connection to their native language and national culture, sources said.

"It has been evident in recent years that the Chinese government has no plans to ease up on its hardline policies and tight control inside Tibet," said Namgyal Choedup, representative in The Office of Tibet in Washington, D.C., speaking to RFA.

"Tibetans are firm in their conviction to protect their Tibetan identity, but the Chinese government's Sinicization of the Tibetan language and religion poses threats to the survival of Tibetan Buddhist culture and values in Tibet."

"We have spoken urgently to the U.S. government and U.S. officials from time to time about these deteriorating situations inside Tibet. The policies implemented inside Tibet by the Chinese government do more harm than benefit in reality for the Tibetans," Choedup said.

Chinese Communist Party efforts to supplant local language education with teaching in Chinese have raised anger not only among Tibetans, but also in the Turkic-language-speaking Uyghur community of Xinjiang and in northern China’s Inner Mongolia.

Plans to end the use of the Mongolian language in ethnic Mongolian schools sparked weeks of class boycotts, street protests, and a region-wide crackdown by riot squads and state security police in the fall of 2020, in a process described by ethnic Mongolians as “cultural genocide.”

Formerly an independent nation, Tibet was invaded and incorporated into China by force 70 years ago.

Language rights have become a particular focus for Tibetan efforts to assert national identity in recent years, with informally organized language courses in the monasteries and towns deemed “illegal associations” and teachers subject to detention and arrest, sources say.

The Central Bureau of Investigation’s registration of a case against human rights organisation People’s Watch under the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act highlights the worsening situation of shrinking civic space in India, the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) said.

On 8 January, a team of nearly ten officers from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) conducted search operations in the office of People’s Watch, a member organisation of FORUM-ASIA, in Madurai, India. The search was conducted based on a court order related to a First Information Report (FIR) registered by the CBI on 6 January alleging violations by People’s Watch in receiving and utilising foreign funds. The FIR is filed under sections 120B (criminal conspiracy) and 420 (cheating) of the Indian Penal Code and sections 33, 35, 39 r/w sections 7, 8, 9 of the Foreign Contributions (Regulations) Act (FCRA) for alleged offences committed between 2010 and 2014.

People’s Watch has been working on the protection and promotion of human rights in India for more than two decades, as a programme unit under its legal holder, the Center for Promotion of Social Concerns (CPSC). CPSC is duly registered under the Foreign Contributions (Regulations) Act to receive foreign funds. In 2012, the Ministry of Home Affairs suspended CPSC’s FCRA registration thrice for a period of 180 days each time. Only after the intervention of the Delhi High Court in a writ petition by CPSC challenging the suspension of their FCRA registration, did the court allow CPSC to use their FCRA account.

Meanwhile in 2016, CPSC applied to the Ministry of Home Affairs to renew their registration under the Foreign Contributions (Regulations) Act, and was rejected due to a ‘field agency report’ by the Ministry. Failing to cite any financial irregularities, the Ministry stated in a written response before the Delhi High Court that the reason for non-renewal was due to People’s Watch Executive Director Henri Tiphagne’s communications with embassies as well as UN Special Rapporteurs. CPSC has challenged the non-renewal of their registration before the Delhi High Court and the case is still pending.

‘People’s Watch is clearly facing reprisals in the form of non-renewal of their FCRA registration. Working with UN human rights mechanism is not a crime. The continuous harassment against People’s Watch is highly condemnable and deeply concerning. It is surprising that after nearly ten years, the CBI has registered a case against CPSC and People’s Watch. This is a clear case of targeted harassment and reprisal against the human rights work of People’s Watch,’ said Shamini Darshini Kaliemuthu, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA.

The Foreign Contributions (Regulations) Act is used arbitrarily to harass and impede the work of civil society organisations, especially those working on human rights issues. The FCRA registration of nearly 6,000 organisations[1] on 31 December 2021. Many applications for renewal, including that of Oxfam India, were rejected by the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Recent amendments to the Foreign Contributions (Regulations) Act which prohibit sub-granting of foreign funds has affected countless grassroot organisations at rural level.[2] The amendment also enables authorities to freeze the funds of any organisation based merely on ‘preliminary inquiry’. Previously, an organisation had to be proven guilty of contravening the provisions of FCRA for the government to be able to freeze its funds. The new provisions are arbitrary and unjust as they can be easily used to target and harass civil society organisations and human rights defenders, who very often express criticism and dissent towards the government.

The Indian government should uphold its voluntary pledge[3] made during the UN Security Council elections by continuing to ‘foster the genuine participation and effective involvement of civil society in the promotion and protection of human rights’.

‘FORUM-ASIA reiterates its earlier call for a repeal of the FCRA[4] and urges the Government of India to ensure an enabling environment for civil society to freely promote and protect human rights. It must cease its harassment of civil society organsiations and human rights defenders through repressive laws,’ said Shamini.

‘We also call upon the National Human Rights Commission of India (NHRCI) to intervene in this case of harassment against a civil society organisation, and to ensure protection in accordance with the Regional Action Plan on Human Rights Defenders[5] of the Asia Pacific Forum. We strongly encourage the NHRCI to revisit the appeal[6] submitted by human rights defenders from 24 countries gathered in Colombo for the 7th Asian Regional Human Rights Defenders Forum, 2016, regarding non-renewal of CPSC’s FCRA registration,’ said Shamini.

The Indian government must put an end to the targeted harassment and reprisal against People’s Watch, and unconditionally drop all charges against them.

The special court inside Insein Prison handed down sentences against two prominent student leaders on Thursday.

Aye Aung, a 45-year-old former member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), received three years in prison for his role in anti-coup protests in Yangon’s Tamwe Township in March.

“The court decided that it was apparent that he led the protests,” his lawyer said.

Aye Aung, who took part in a student-led uprising against military rule in 1996, was previously sentenced to 59 years in prison by Myanmar’s former military junta. He spent 14 years behind bars until his release in 2012.

Fellow former ABFSU executive Min Thway Thit, meanwhile, was given a year in prison for driving an unregistered vehicle without a license.

The sentence handed down to the 38-year-old former political prisoner was the minimum for the charge, which is punishable by up to three years in prison, because the offense was related to his volunteer work with Covid-19 patients.

“There wasn’t enough evidence that Min Thway Thit owned or drove the car, but it was apparent that he was using it to transport patients during the pandemic,” his lawyer said.

A day earlier, another ABFSU activist got two years and one month in prison on charges stemming from his political activities in September of last year.

Wai Yan Phyo Moe was charged with violating Section 19 of the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law for handing out and posting leaflets in Yangon’s Mahabandoola Park calling for the restoration of internet services in Rakhine State.

The sentence was handed down by a court in Kyauktada Township. The 23-year-old ABFSU president faces similar charges in two other townships in Yangon, as well as charges of incitement under Sections 505a and 505b of the Penal Code.

According to local media reports, at least 62 junta opponents, including politicians, activists, artists and other public figures, were sentenced on Thursday.

According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, an advocacy group based in exile, the regime is currently holding 8,331 people on charges related to their anti-coup activities, of whom only 487 have so far been convicted.

Local news website editor Pu Tuidim became the third journalist to be killed in Myanmar in just over three weeks when he was abducted and murdered by government soldiers in the northwest of the country last weekend. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) condemns this barbaric murder of a reporter who tried to inform his fellow citizens about the fighting between armed rebels and the military junta.

Pu Tuidim’s body was found in Matupi township, in Chin State, a mountainous region bordering on India, on the morning of 9 January, two days after he and nine other civilians were abducted by members of the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s armed forces, as he was covering the clashes between the Tatmadaw and local armed rebels. The soldiers shot him after using him as a human shield.

He was the founder and editor of the Khonumthung Media Group, a local news outlet named after Chin State’s highest mountain. Tragically, the website had just published an article about the Tatmadaw’s use of civilians as human shields.

On the evening of 9 January, Pu Tuidim's colleagues posted a statement condemning this practice and deploring their editor’s death “caused by the military council’s atrocities.” The message was circulated throughout the region under the hashtag of #အထူးဝမ်းနည်းကြေကွဲခြင်း, a Burmese expression meaning “Special Mourning.”

Escalating terror

“Cruelty, cynicism, barbarity – these words seem inadequate to describe Pu Tuidim’s shocking murder,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk. “He is the third journalist to be killed in Myanmar in less than a month, in a sign of the absolutely unacceptable practices increasingly employed by the junta. We appeal to the international community to toughen the sanctions imposed on the junta’s members in order to end this headlong escalation in terror.”

The most recent previous media fatality was Federal News Journal editor Sai Win Aung, who was killed by gunfire near the Thai border in the southeastern state of Kayin during a Tatmadaw artillery attack on 25 December. He was also covering fighting between the Tatmadaw and the People’s Defence Force (PDF), the armed resistance to the junta.

Freelance photographer Soe Naing was the first journalist to die at the junta’s hands. He died under torture on 14 December, four days after soldiers arrested him while he was covering a silent street protest in Yangon.

The number of journalists imprisoned in Myanmar has meanwhile risen to at least 59, according to RSF’s press freedom violations barometer, which is constantly updated.

They include two journalists who worked for the Zayar Times, a newspaper that was closed when the military staged their coup last February. The two journalists, deputy editor Pyae Phyo Aung and reporter Myint Myat Aung (also known as D. Myat Nyein), were each sentenced to two years in prison for “inciting crime” in a trial last week inside the prison where they are being held in the central city of Shwebo. The did not have access to a lawyer.

Myanmar is ranked 140th out of 180 countries in RSF's 2021 World Press Freedom Index.

A man who left his job as a teacher to join the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) was detained by soldiers in Sagaing Region last week and killed in their custody within days, his wife has said.

Hlaing Win, 40, was taken from Sabei Nanthar village on December 3 and later sent to an interrogation center at the compound of the junta’s Tank Battalion No. 6006 in Kanbalu Township.

Then on Wednesday his wife, Kaythi Oo, was told he had “died due to asphyxia” after she tried to contact his captors through the village administrator.

As well as his wife, he leaves behind a 7-year-old son and two daughters aged 10 and 15. His family said he was in good health when he was taken.

“My whole family was devastated to hear this news. He was the family’s only breadwinner. We don’t have anyone to depend on anymore,” Kaythi Oo said.

Hlaing Win worked as a teacher at a middle school in Baw village, Kanbalu for 15 years. After the February 1 coup, he joined tens of thousands government employees across the country who refused to work under the junta and left his job to work on a betel nut farm.

Upon learning about his death, Kaythi Oo tried to retrieve his body but was told he had already been cremated at the Kanbalu cemetery on Tuesday, the day the military says he died.

“I just wanted to see his body one last time so that I could have some closure,” she said. “I don’t even know how to cope with this now.”

An officer from the CDM group representing educators in Kanbalu said he believed the teacher was tortured to death like scores of others since the coup.

“There is no way we will ever accept this,” he said. “We are opposing them in a peaceful manner and they’re just blatantly killing us. Even after the revolution, we are going to need to take legal actions against them.”

A friend of Hlaing Win’s, who is also a teacher, said his death was a great loss for both his students and the country. “It’s so disgusting that they’re bullying us just because they have weapons. The death of such a good teacher made me feel as if I had lost everything,” he said.

“What I’ve learnt for sure is that we cannot afford to let the military council win in any way. We have to win. We can’t stop until we win,” he added.

Teachers are among those who have borne the brunt of a military terror camaign aimed at crushing opposition to its rule. On November 17, a teacher from Myintha village in Mandalay Region was killed at an interrogation center just hours after his arrest.

Another teacher from Ywarbo village in Mandalay was killed within 24 hours of his arrest on November 1, and his family never got his body back.

A junta spokesperson could not be reached for comment on Win Hlaing’s death.

At least 1,323 civilians have been killed by the junta since February, the latest tally from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners shows.

Family members of a teacher from Naypyitaw’s Lewe Township who was arrested on Monday were notified the following day that he had died in junta custody, they told Myanmar Now.

Hla Min Maung, 36, was arrested at a tea shop in Lewe for participating in the general strike in accordance with the Civil Disobedience Movement.

His father, Khin Maung Dwe, said that the township’s police chief had summoned the family at around noon on Tuesday and told them that Hla Min Maung had died due to underlying health issues.

“It breaks our hearts that an educated and civilised young man like him was killed overnight,” Khin Maung We told Myanmar Now on Wednesday.

“It would be different for us if he was put on trial and got convicted. He didn’t even get questioned, or a chance to defend himself. It is heartbreaking that he was killed, just like that, so quickly,” the father said.

A close friend of the victim’s family said that only three relatives were permitted to see Hla Min Maung’s body, and were only allowed to glimpse his face, which was reportedly bruised. They were not allowed to take any photographs.

The family was allowed to have a funeral in accordance with Islamic traditions at the Kwegyi cemetery on Tuesday evening, but attendance was restricted by the military.

Hla Min Maung had been a middle school teacher for eight years, specialising in Myanmar language and history. He had been working at a school in Matawtpin village.

His father, Khin Maung Dwe, is also a respected retired high school English teacher.

Kyaw Myint Oo, an elected Upper House parliamentarian for Mandalay’s Constituency No. 11, is also a former teacher who taught Hla Min Maung chemistry and physics when he was in high school.

“He was such a quiet person and he came from a very educated family. [Junta soldiers] could have just done it in a civilised manner if they wanted to interrogate him,” Kyaw Myint Oo said. “They no longer value human life, not even as much as that of a chicken.”

As of Thursday afternoon, Hla Min Maung’s family still had not been told further details surrounding his cause of death.

Myanmar Now called the Lewe police station three times regarding Hla Min Maung’s death but all calls went unanswered.

Deaths during interrogations have become more frequent as the military council continues to accuse people of being affiliated with anti-junta groups and networks.

The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners released a statement on Thursday reporting that at least 1,362 civilians had died at the hands of the military council since the February 1 coup.

A 22-year-old member of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students Union was sentenced to three years in prison with hard labour on Wednesday, nine months after his arrest at an anti-junta protest.

Aung Phone Maw was charged with incitement for allegedly violating Section 505a and given the maximum sentence by a Hlaing Tharyar township judge at a court hearing inside Yangon’s Insein Prison.

He was arrested during a demonstration organised by the General Strike Committee in Kyauk Myaung ward in Tamwe Township on March 3.

Despite a lack of evidence, the military council accused Aung Phone Maw of leading two other individuals to incite unrest in Hlaing Tharyar and of supporting the Civil Disobedience Movement, his mother told Myanmar Now.

“They could not provide any evidence for any of the things he was accused of,” Aung Phone Maw’s mother explained. “His lawyer did his best during his court hearing. Aung Phone Maw, however, confessed that he took part in around three protests. That’s all.”

The student activist refused to submit any evidence to the court in his defence, noting that he had no trust in the judiciary under the junta, but he allowed his mother to testify on his behalf.

“We at least hoped that the judiciary system would still be just. We did not expect much but it was our last glimmer of hope. It’s really sad that he got sentenced to prison without any evidence,” his mother said.

Aung Phone Maw was a fourth-year mathematics student at Yangon University. He joined the student union in 2018 and became a member of the central executive committee the following year.

He was active in defending students’ rights, ethnic rights and condemning the genocide of the Rohingya people in Myanmar. He wrote regular commentary on the anti-dictatorship movement and other political issues and became an editor at the Oway Journal in 2019.

“We still remember what he said during the protests in February. He used to talk about how we should never try to reconcile with the military, never hope for a supreme saviour, and to build a brave new world on our own,” Aung Kaung Set, also a member of the Yangon University Student Union, told Myanmar Now.

Aung Kaung Set added that Aung Phone Maw led a protest when lawyer William Schabas, who represented Myanmar’s delegation when the state was accused of genocide at the International Court of Justice in The Hague, spoke at Yangon University in March 2020.

According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, as of this week more than 10,000 civilians have been arrested by the junta since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, and 1,400 killed.

The military council has declared the AAPP an illegal organisation.

A student activist has died in Myanmar military custody, and the junta cremated his body without informing his relatives.

Ko Aung Bone Kyaw, a third year geology student at Yangon University, was detained on Sunday in Yangon’s Tamwe Township. He was taken to an interrogation center where he died the following day, according to the Yangon University Students Union. He was cremated at Yayway Cemetery the same day

“The military council didn’t inform [his family about the funeral]. His family found out from their contacts only just before the funeral. They rushed to Yayway, but were unable to see the body before it was cremated,” said Ko Aung Kaung Hset, the chair of the Yangon University Students Union.

Ko Aung Bone Kyaw’s family declined to comment out of concerns for their safety when contacted by The Irrawaddy.

“We heard that three other students were arrested along with Ko Aung Bone Kyaw. One of his classmates is now at the interrogation center,” said Ko Aung Kaung Hset.

It remains unclear why the students were arrested and how Ko Aung Bone Kyaw died.

Yangon Unversity’s Geology Department issued a letter of condolence over Ko Aung Bone Kyaw’s death, in which lecturers and students vowed to fight the dictatorship until the end.

His death in custody follows the jailing a few days ago of an executive member of the Yangon University Students Union. Ko Aung Phone Maw was sentenced to three years in prison by a junta court for incitement.

“The military regime is harshly persecuting young political activists who oppose military rule. Student union members held in Insein Prison are subject to solitary confinement and torture. Those who were beaten for their participation in protests were denied medical treatment,” said Yangon University Students Union chair Ko Aung Kaung Hset.

Political prisoners in Yangon’s Insein Prison joined the rest of the country in a silent strike on December 10 to mark International Human Rights Day. The Myanmar people stayed at home for the day to show their opposition to military rule.

Around 89 political prisoners and detainees, including members of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, were beaten and held in isolation for participating in the silent strike. Those injured have yet to receive medical treatment.

On December 19, freelance photojournalist Ko Zaw Lin Htut, and Ma Su Yee Lin from Yangon Eastern University Students Union were detained at a Yangon protest. Their whereabouts are still unknown.

1,380 people were killed by the junta between February 1 and December 28, according to rights group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

Authorities in the southwestern Chinese region of Guangxi have handed down a three-year jail term to an outspoken rights lawyer for "subversion," amid fears for his safety in detention.

The Yulin Intermediate People's Court handed down the sentence to Chen Jiahong on Tuesday after finding him guilty of "incitement to subvert state power."

Chen's ex-wife Luo Fen said Chen, a prominent critic of the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), wasn't present at the sentencing hearing, but was connected by video link from the detention center.

"Chen Jianhong wasn't in court, not in person," Luo told RFA on Tuesday. "He listened to the hearing via video link from the detention center."

She said there are concerns for his safety.

"Chen Jiahong revealed that he had been subjected to beatings by gang members in detention," Luo said.

Chen's former defense attorney Lu Siwei said Chen's outspokenness likely attracted the wrath of the authorities.

"He's kind of a big mouth," Lu said. "In terms of freedom of speech, you should be able to say anything, but lawyers also need to use logic."

"He has a very intense way of speaking and expresses himself through sarcasm, but none of that adds up to a crime," he said.

On China's tightly controlled internet, Chen is known for inscribing the slogan "Set up an assassination detail, liquidate this evil bureaucracy and promote democracy" in Chinese calligraphy and posting it to social media.

"I think the most import factor here was that calligraphy ... I think the police are using it as evidence of criminal behavior," Lu said, adding that no attorney had been present to represent Chen during Tuesday's hearing.

"Lawyers can deal with emerging situations as they arise in court, and they can keep the family members informed," he said. "But the most important thing is for the attorney to meet with and guide the client, and ask if the client wants to appeal."

"Defense lawyers should generally always be present in court, to avoid creating procedural problems," Lu said.

He said Chen had likely cut a deal with the national security police, given the relative leniency of his sentence.

"You plead guilty, and don't engage with them, and they find a way to give you a lighter sentence," he said.

Chen came to prominence in 2015, as police staged a nationwide operation targeting around 300 rights lawyers, law firms and activists.

He was later surrounded by armed police during a standoff relating to the death of Guangxi villager Luo Jibiao, and had his license to practice taken away.

A Hong Kong barrister was sentenced to 15 months in jail on Tuesday for using social media to incite people to attend a banned vigil remembering the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown.

Authorities last year, for the second time in a row, banned the city's annual June 4th memorial for the mainland Chinese student protesters who were killed in the violence. Police cited COVID-19 concerns, while critics argued it was part of a wider campaign to suppress memories of the event.

Chow Hang-tung, 36, who represented herself in court, was accused of incitement in connection with two articles published on Facebook and in a local newspaper, ahead of the 2021 commemoration.

In the newspaper article, the title of which said Hong Kong people "persevere in telling the truth," she concluded by writing, "At 8 p.m., I hope to see your candlelights," without specifying where.

In her defense, Chow had argued that the article called for candles to be lit anywhere -- not specifically at the vigil. She added that her detention restricted her freedom of speech.

But magistrate Amy Chan said in her judgment that Chow's acts were "calculated and planned, and that she was determined to attract as much public attention as possible, to exert influence and to leave a deep impression on other people."

Chow is already serving a 12-month sentence after she was found guilty last year with seven other activists, including media tycoon Jimmy Lai, for similar charges of attending and inciting others to join the unauthorized vigil in 2020.

The magistrate said 10 months of the new jail sentence would be served following her current term, totaling 22 months of imprisonment. Chan said the defendant had attempted to "divert attention and deny the facts" in her testimony.

Before being convicted, Chow read out testimonies from families of victims killed 32 years ago. She was stopped short by the magistrate, who said the court did not allow expressions of political views.

"The court needs to hear the voices the regime wants to bury with this case," Chow had said before being interrupted.

Hong Kong officials have been waging an aggressive campaign to stifle the memory of Tiananmen since Beijing imposed a national security law on the city in 2020.

The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements, the group that led the vigils, disbanded last year after its leaders were arrested. Authorities froze 2.2 million Hong Kong dollars ($282,000) worth of assets following a raid of its June 4th exhibition. The group's leaders, including Chow, have also been charged with incitement to subvert the state under the sweeping security law.

Following the group's breakup, three Hong Kong universities removed memorials to the Tiananmen crackdown, including the iconic "Pillar of Shame" that had stood at the University of Hong Kong for 24 years. The disappearance of the statues, which universities said "posed legal and safety risks," sparked a barrage of global criticism.

Chow's sentencing also comes amid closures of independent news organizations in the international financial hub.

Citizen News, an online outlet, abruptly announced its decision to shut down on Monday and was to cease operations on Tuesday. This followed arrests of senior editors at another pro-democracy news organization, Stand News. Chris Yeung, chief writer of Citizen News, cited the worsening media environment and unknown "legal boundaries."

"We are completely unable to see clearly the lines of law enforcement and we are worried that we will breach the law," he told reporters.

Responding to the shutdown, Hong Kong chief executive Carrie Lam dismissed concerns over the erosion of press freedom and said decisions to close are unrelated.

"I strongly refute any allegations that this is related to the implementation of the national security law," she told reporters at her weekly news conference.

Four lawyers from Mandalay who had been working on the defence teams for politically motivated cases put forward by the junta have been held in an unidentified location for days since their December 19 arrest by the military authorities, according to members of their legal networks.

The families of the attorneys have not been able to confirm their whereabouts since they were taken into junta custody.

They were abducted from the office of Shwe Alin Legal Services near the No. 3 police station in Chanmyathazi Township, according to a Mandalay-based lawyer who spoke to Myanmar Now on the condition of anonymity.

“They haven't been transferred to Obo prison yet,” the lawyer said, referring to a major prison in the region. “We were told that they were still at the interrogation centre. No case has been filed against them either.”

Legal sources did not want to name three of the detained lawyers, but confirmed that one is Lwin Lwin Mar, who had been helping individuals charged with incitement since the February 1 coup. All four of the lawyers are women.

“I think they’re trying to make an example out of them so that no one would dare to take on political cases,” another lawyer based in Mandalay said.

Myanmar Now has been unable to contact junta officers at the No. 3 police station in Chanmyathazi for comment regarding the arrests.

The military has been detaining its political opponents across the country, with many killed in military custody.

Earlier this month in Mandalay, Thae Htwe Maung, a party member of the National League for Democracy from Pyigyidagun Township, and his wife were taken by the military to an interrogation centre. Within days, their families were told that they had died and their bodies were not returned for burial.

According to a Wednesday statement released by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), more than 10,000 people have been arrested and nearly 1,400 people killed by the junta in the 10 months since the coup.

The military has denounced the AAPP as an illegal organisation and dismissed its figures as exaggerated.

The AAPP maintains that its regularly updated numbers are based on available data and that the actual totals of those arrested or murdered by the coup regime may be much higher.

Authorities in China targeted dissidents, rights lawyers and activists and their families with house arrest, round-the-clock surveillance and restrictions on their children's school attendance on Human Rights Day, RFA has learned.

Rights activist Li Wenzu and rights lawyer husband Wang Quanzhang said they were placed under house arrest on Dec. 9, with unidentified security guards refusing to let them leave to take their child to school.

"I'm leaving for the school run," Wang tells them in a video clip posted to Li's Twitter account. "It's OK. We'll take the kid to school for you," comes the reply.

Li said she had asked the people stopping them from leaving to identify themselves, but met with no clear answer.

"Would you please show your ID? In what capacity are you here right now?" Li is heard asking one guard in another clip. "Is this really necessary?" comes the reply. "It's not as if we've only just met."

Fellow activist Xu Yan and her rights lawyer husband Yu Wensheng said around nine people were outside the door of their apartment at 6.00 a.m. on Thursday, and they were unable to get out at all.

"They're not letting me open the door," Xu told RFA. "I can't get it open no matter how hard I push."

"They pushed back pretty hard a couple of times, and my ribs are still hurting," she said.

Xu said she suspects the restrictions will end after Human Rights Day on Friday, but that the people outside her home had declined to confirm this.

She said police had come out after she dialed the emergency number, taken one look at the guards outside her home, and left again.

"It feels pretty helpless to have your freedom restricted like this, as well as being a violation of human rights and the law," Xu told RFA. "It's also very harmful to kids to let them see things like this; I feel horrible about that."

Rights lawyer Xie Yanyi said he and his wife Yuan Shanshan are under surveillance, adding that he was followed by unidentified personnel on Dec. 9 when he took his daughter to the supermarket.

'It's like this every year'

"It's like this every year," independent journalist Gao Yu said in a tweet on Dec. 9. "I wonder if the people doing this are deliberately trying to destroy the image of the [ruling] Chinese Communist Party (CCP)."

"Tomorrow is Human Rights Day, so today the police will come in their police cars and tell me that they'll be there until Dec. 11," Gao wrote.

Gao tried to answer a call from RFA on Friday, but apparently was unable to hear the caller, repeating "Hello? Hello?"

Rights activist Wang Qiaoling said she and her rights lawyer husband Li Heping were also being told to stay home.

"When my husband tried to take the dog out this morning, a state security police officer guarding our home told him to stay home today," Wang said, expressing surprise that she'd been able to receive a call from overseas at all.

"It's a particularly sensitive day," she said, adding that the same thing happens every year at this time.

The restrictions on activists come as U.S. President Joe Biden holds a Summit for Democracy online running Dec. 9-10, in a move that has been slammed by Beijing.

Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin accused the U.S. of trying to “weaponize democracy, by openly convening this so-called Summit for Democracy to incite division and confrontation for geopolitical gains."

Veteran democracy activist Wei Jingsheng said the summit makes Beijing uneasy, because it will likely form the basis for an alliance to resist authoritarian rule.

"This democracy summit being held by the administration is actually a bid to form an alliance against authoritarian countries ... who naturally haven't been invited," Wei told RFA. "It will be a democratic alliance, so it's a very important thing."

"Naturally the Chinese government is very upset."

Authoritarian resurgence

Wei warned of a "resurgence" of authoritarian styles of governance around the world.

"Global authoritarianism and coercive governance are seeing a resurgence," Wei said. "After trending higher and higher since World War II, democracy seems to have been on the wane lately, which is harmful to humanity everywhere."

"This summit at this juncture should be helpful to help it bounce back," he said.

New York-based political commentator Wang Juntao agreed, saying the summit wasn't just about sending messages.

"It's not just a propaganda war; there will also be some practical measures taken to combat authoritarian regimes," Wang told RFA.

"They will promote Magnitsky-type legislation, asking democratic countries to collaborate, so as to sanction and block corrupt and rights-abusing officials everywhere."

"They will freeze their accounts and not let them into democratic countries," he said.

Lawyers on Saturday boycotted legal proceedings at the City Courts in protest over a Rangers’ raid on the house of senior lawyer Qadir Khan and “abduction” of his son, who was later shown arrested by police but discharged by a court in a drugs case.

The lawyers did not turn up before judges to plead their cases fixed for the day. Subsequently, a large number of the cases were simply adjourned while the litigants faced a great deal of difficulties.

In a statement, Karachi Bar Association (KBA) general secretary Naeem Memon said the legal fraternity did not attend court proceedings over this incident.

Advocate Qadir Khan’s house was raided and his son, Asad Khan, was taken into custody by Rangers on Jan 6, he said.

Advocate Khan has been representing several members of the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM), including MNA Ali Wazir, in criminal cases being tried by antiterrorism courts in Karachi.

Later, the Brigade police produced the son of Advocate Khan before Judicial Magistrate Wazir Memon for his remand in a drugs case.

The investigating officer claimed that around 24 grams of heroin was recovered from his possession.

However, a number of the lawyers reached the court and opposed the IO’s request for remand, arguing that he was booked in a false case.

After hearing arguments from both sides, the magistrate discharged the suspect from the case under Section 63 (Discharge of person apprehended) of the criminal procedure code.

Dawn tried to contact a spokesperson for the Rangers for his version but in vain.

A prominent Chinese rights attorney is missing, believed detained, after he planned to attend an event linked to Human Rights Day at the EU representative office in Beijing on Dec. 10, RFA has learned.

Tang Jitian has been incommunicado since texting friends a couple of hours before the event was due to start that it was "not safe" to attend, U.S.-based legal scholar Teng Biao said.

Repeated calls to Tang's phone rang unanswered on Dec. 16.

"I think it's definitely more serious," Teng said. "We have heard nothing from Tang Jitian since Dec. 10, so it looks like an enforced disappearance."

He said the situation of Chinese dissident and former legal advocate Guo Feixiong, also known as Yang Maodong, appeared to be similar.

Guo has been incommunicado since writing an open letter to Chinese premier Li Keqiang, asking him to lift a travel ban and allow him to visit his critically ill wife Zhang Qing in the United States, Teng said.

"They have both played a prominent role in rights activism in China, and they are almost certainly in the custody of certain departments," he said.

Tang's friend Zhao Zhongyuan said the lawyer was at the point of physical and mental collapse when he disappeared, after being prevented from traveling to Japan to visit his 24-year-old daughter Kiki, who was in a coma due to complications from tuberculosis.

"His health had reached the point of collapse, because he had been persecuted for a long time," Zhao said. "He couldn't work, couldn't leave the country and was homeless, forced to stay a couple of days with one friend, and a couple of days with another."

"He had no medical insurance to seek treatment even if he was sick," he said.

Tang's daughter Qiqi is currently in a state of brain death after developing meningitis as a complication of the tuberculosis, but remains on life support in hospital, Zhao said.

"If they switched off the life support, she would be gone," he said. "She worked hard at her language class in Japan and passed the N1 language exam."

"She lived very frugally, and when she got sick, she self-medicated, so treatment was delayed," Zhao said. "By the time she went to hospital she was already in a coma."

"It was extremely cruel of the [ruling] Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to not let him go to visit his daughter," he said.

Tang was stopped by border guards at Fuzhou Airport in May 2021 as he tried to board a flight to Japan, on the grounds that his leaving would "endanger national security and interests."

Tang's friend Zhao Zhongyuan, a U.S.-based traditional Chinese medicine doctor, said he is being forcibly deprived of sleep, as well as beatings.

"They won't let him sleep at all, and they are hanging him up and beating him, very similar to [the way he was treated] 10 years ago," Zhao told RFA on Tuesday. "Judging from the photo, it looks similar to the torture he suffered [in 2014]."

"And his state of health is a whole lot worse than it was 10 years ago," he said.

RFA was unable to verify Zhao's report independently.

Zhao has previously said Tang was already at the point of physical and mental collapse when he disappeared, which came after he was prevented from traveling to Japan to visit his 24-year-old daughter Qiqi, who is in a coma due to complications from tuberculosis.

"[The authorities] have said that if there is ongoing attention on his case, they will send him back to his birth city [of Jilin]," Zhao said. "A source told me that I should stop speaking out for him."

"They said his family have put their faith in the [ruling] Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the government," he said. "But the less I speak out, and the more I cover this up, the less likely Tang Jitian is to get out eventually."

Tang was stopped by border guards at Fuzhou Airport in May 2021 as he tried to board a flight to Japan, on the grounds that his leaving would "endanger national security and interests."

Tang's travel ban began after he lost his lawyer's license in 2010 for defending practitioners of the banned Falun Gong spiritual movement.

He was among a group four Chinese rights lawyers tortured by police after being detained in March 2014 during a protest outside a detention center in Jiansanjiang in northeast China demanding information about Falun Gong members believed to be incarcerated there.

In 2017, he was turned back by border guards at the Lo Wu border crossing after he tried to travel to Hong Kong to seek medical treatment for leukemia diagnosed after his release from detention. He was told at the time that his leaving the country could pose a "threat to national security."

U.S.-based legal scholar Teng Biao hit out at the use of travel bans to silence prominent dissidents and activists.

"If you don't do as you're told, or you do some kind of human rights or political work, they will confiscate your passport and prevent you from leaving the country," Teng told RFA.

"Tang's daughter is critically ill in Japan, and he should be allowed to visit her, purely on humanitarian grounds," he said. "But the Chinese government has no concept of humanitarian considerations."

"They are doing this as a form of punishment; a way to get back at human rights lawyers," Teng said.

Two students have been injured in a clash between locals, students and police at Ring Road on December 23, 2021, after a student was killed after being hit by a truck on the highway in Lalbandi Municipality-9.

Dipendra Yadav, 16, a student of Janajyoti Secondary School in Chandannagar Rural Municipality-1, Ratanpur, was hit by a truck (Na 3 Kha 7990) at Lalbandi Municipality-9, Bastipur on the East-West Highway on December 20.

According to DSP Madhav Prasad Budhathoki of the District Police Office, two students were injured while they were protesting for justice for their friend who had died in the accident.

Ram Kishore Kumar Sah, 15, of Lalbandi Municipality-2, and Sikindra Kumar Yadav, 16, of Chandranagar Rural Municipality-1, Ratanpur, sustained injuries on their head and fractured their right leg. They were taken to Model Hospital, Lalbandi for further treatment informed Chandra Kishore Yadav, a student of Grade nine of Janajyoti Secondary School.

20 protesters and activists have been charged with violation of the Emergency Decree for participating in the 28 November 2021 rally at the Ratchaprasong intersection to call for marriage equality.

In addition to the Emergency Decree charge, they were also charged with obstructing traffic under Section 385 of the Criminal Code.

12 of those charged reported to the police at Lumpini Police Station on Tuesday (21 December). Before going to hear their charges, the activists read out a statement by the Rainbow Coalition for Marriage Equality saying that the rally was an exercise of their legal rights and freedoms, and that the charges against them amount to a strategic lawsuit against public participation, or SLAPP.

The statement said that the activists are reporting to the police and are willing to fight the charges to show that they are free to think and are protected by the civil rights enshrined in the Constitution. They are also considering filing complaints against the officers who file charges against them.

Move Forward party (MFP) MP Nateepat Kulsetthasith gave a speech at the rally and is among those summoned to hear their charges. However, under Section 125 of the Constitution, MPs and senators cannot be arrested, detained, or summoned by the police on a criminal charge while parliament is in session unless permission has been granted by the House Speaker.

Nateepat said that he is referring the issue to the relevant standing committees in parliament for an investigation and to summon responsible officers to explain why they issued the summons without regard to the law, commenting that he does not know if the summons was issued because the officers were careless or unaware of the law, or whether it was intentional.

Nada Chaiyajit, LGBTQ rights activist, Manushya Foundation’s campaign advisor and a member of the Thai Sang Thai party’s working group on LGBTQ rights, is also among those charged. Nada said that the rally was an exercise of their constitutional rights, and the organisers asked police officers from Lumpini Police Station to help facilitate the rally, but instead they filed charges against the organizers, speakers, and even participants, which she sees as a violation of the people’s rights and freedoms.

Meanwhile, Chanan Yodhong, who is currently responsible for Pheu Thai party’s LGBTQ rights policy and is charged for giving a speech at the protest, said that the charges against them are an attempt by the state to limit the movement for human rights, and that it is clear that the state not only denies that every citizen is equal regardless of their identity but also sees that demanding marriage equality is a danger to national security.

Chanan said that such an attitude is dangerous for the state itself, because it erodes the state’s honour and is dangerous to the people, since the state sees the people as an enemy instead of those who hold power in the country and tries to silence them.

“Actually in the world, the pandemic is the new threat to national security that states have to be aware of, but the Thai state instead is using the pandemic as a tool to build security. You can see it from how they use the pandemic to obstruct popular political activities, including movement about identity and diversity,” Chanan said. “The state is stuck in old ideas about security, which see diversity, freedom, and rights as threats that needs to be suppressed. I want to support the organisers and every activist who is still fighting for what is right in a state like this.”

The rally was organized by the Rainbow Coalition for Marriage Equality, a network of around 40 civil society organizations and activist groups, during which a petition proposing amendments to the Civil Commercial Code to allow marriage between LGBTQ couples was launched.

The petition proposes to amend Article 1448 of the Civil Commercial Code, which governs marriage, so that marriage registration is allowed between two people of any gender, instead of only between a man and a woman. It also proposed to raise the age at which people can legally marry from 17 to 18 years old.

The petition also proposes to replace the terms “man” and “woman” in every article of the Civil and Commercial Code relating to marriage with “person,” as well as to replace “husband” and “wife” with “spouse” and “father” and “mother” with “parents.”

The amendments will grant LGBTQ couples the same rights, duties, and legal recognition as heterosexual couples, including the right to adopt a child together and be recognized as the child’s parents, the right to have the power of attorney to make medical decisions of behalf of one’s partner and to press charges on behalf of one’s partner, the right to use one’s partner’s last name, and the right to inherit property from each other without the need for a will.

The petition, which gained over 100,000 overnight, now has over 270,000 signatures.

Currently, two bills on marriage for LGBTQ couples are already waiting to go before parliament, one of which is a bill proposing amendments to the sections on marriage and family in the Civil and Commercial Code proposed by MFP MP Tunyawat Kamolwongwat. Nateepat said that they are aiming for the bill to go before parliament before the end of the session early next year, but it will depend on every MP whether they are able to follow the agenda, but if the bill does not go before parliament before the end of this session, he is sure it will in the next session.

Nateepat said that it is possible for the bill to pass its first reading, as there are other parties who agree with it, such as the Pheu Thai party, and if the government parties allow their MPs to vote freely, the bill is likely to gain enough votes.

Meanwhile, Nada said that she thinks it is unlikely that the government parties will allow a free vote for their MPs, since they have never allowed a free vote on a bill proposed by the opposition.

Nada also said that the Constitutional Court’s 17 November 2021 ruling that the current Thai marriage law, which states that marriage can only be contracted between a man and a woman, does not violate the Constitution is likely to push parliament in the direction of drafting a Civil Partnership bill to legalise LGBTQ marriage.

Nada believes that it will be more likely for a bill amending the Civil and Commercial Code to pass if the current opposition parties become the government in the next election, since each party, especially those in the opposition, has already seen that they will be judged by the people if they do not do what they propose to do during their election campaign.

The Constitutional Court has denied a request to copy several documents used as evidence in the ruling that protesters’ calls for monarchy reform is treasonous, claiming national security, says Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR). After

the 10 November 2021 ruling that the calls for monarchy reform and monarchy-related activities organized by Anon Nampa, Panussaya Sitthijirawattanakul and Panupong Jadnok are treasonous, the activists’ lawyer requested to see the case file and copy every document related to the case. However, the Court refused to allow copies to be made of several documents used in the case.

TLHR said that the lawyer went to receive the copies of the documents on 15 December. They then found that most of the documents the Court allowed them to copy were documents that they already have, such as the complaint filed against the activists by lawyer Natthaporn Toprayoon, the activists’ defence and court declarations, the recordings of each hearing, the Court’s final ruling, and each judge’s opinions, most of which have already been made public.

However, they were not allowed to make copies of documents the Court requested from various government agencies, such as the Royal Thai Police, the National Intelligence Agency, the National Security Council, Thammasat University, and Khlong Luang Police Station. The Court claimed that these documents were confidential and related to national security, and the lawyer is not allowed to check or even record the titles of the documents.

TLHR noted that these documents were the main evidence the Court used to back its ruling that the three activists’ actions can be considered as an attempt to ‘overthrow’ the democratic form of government with the King as Head of State. However, the defendants have never been allowed to see or copy these documents in order to prepare their defence.

On the day of the hearing, despite the lawyer’s request, the Court did not allow Anon, Panusaya and Panupong to be summoned to testify along with several other witnesses, claiming that it has enough evidence to rule on the case and that it has already sent all related documents to the defendants.

The activists also requested that several academics be summoned as witnesses, including historians Nithi Eoseewong and Charnvit Kasetsiri, legal scholar Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang, and writer Sulak Sivarak. However, none of these witnesses were given a chance to testify.

Realizing that they were not being given a fair chance to defend themselves and bring their own witnesses to the stand, the three activists and their legal team walked out of the courtroom as an act of protest. The ruling was then made without them being present.

On 10 November, the Constitutional Court ruled that the calls for monarchy reform and monarchy-related activities organized by Anon Nampa, Panussaya Sitthijirawattanakul, Panupong Jadnok and associated organizations were, are and will be abuse of constitutional rights and liberties as they are intended to ‘overthrow’ the democratic form of government with the King as Head of State.

The complaint was filed by lawyer Natthaporn Toprayoon, who accused 8 activists who spoke at the 3 August and 10 August 2020 demonstrations of attempting to overthrow the “democratic regime of government with the King as Head of State,” as stated in Section 49 of the 2017 Constitution.

The Court ruled that Anon's speech and Panussaya's statement at the 10 August 2020 protest, and their participation in the protests afterward and other symbolic actions have the hidden intention of overthrowing the regime, which would cause public disorder and unrest in society.

Activities cited by the Court are part of Anon’s speech at the 10 August protest and the full statement read by Panussaya at the same event, which the Court recounted in full, and symbolic actions at many protests such as burning the King’s portrait and removing the blue stripe representing the monarchy from the Thai national flag.

The Court stated that the people’s constitutional rights and liberties come with the responsibility to protect the democratic regime with the monarch as its head. The word ‘overthrow’ can be inferred from actions that cause a serious threat to the constitution and regime in a decisive and irreversible manner that completely obliterates them.

The ruling continued by saying that exercising rights and liberties in public to call for a constitutional amendment regarding the status of the monarch or amendment of Section 112 of the Criminal Code (the royal defamation law) will diminish the respected status of the monarchy, which leads to unrest that affects public order and morality when people follow these practices.

The monarchy has existed and been cherished by the Thai people as an essential institution in governing and leading the armed forces in Thailand since the days of Sukhothai, Ayutthaya and the current Rattanakosin era, despite changes of regime, ruled the Court.

Thus, the actions of Anon, Panussaya and Panupong constitute an abuse of rights and liberties in order to overthrow the democratic form of government with the King as Head of State and the Court ordered that they and their network organizations stop such actions in the future.

Upon hearing the Court’s comment, the supporters of the pro-democracy activists in the front of the Court reacted with fury. Papers were scattered and a mock-up of the democracy monument was burned before the group dispersed. Landmark case to the reform movement

The Court’s decision raises questions over the direction and legal risks of the pro-democracy movement which has been calling for political and monarchy reform since its sudden surge in July 2020.

After the judgement was made, Yingcheep Atchanont, manager of iLaw, a legal watchdog NGO, told Prachatai that it is still unclear about what counts as prohibited actions and the network organizations of Anon, Panussaya and Panupong.

Yingcheep said the judgement may be used by those who hold the movement in contempt to prevent po-democracy activities. It would also be unthinkable for the protest organizers not to hold protests against the ruling. Because of these uncertainties, this ruling will exacerbate tensions within society.

In an interview with the STANDARD, Piyabutr Saengkanokkul, a former law academic and secretary-general of the Progressive Movement, said the ruling affects Thai society in 3 ways.

Firstly, the ruling’s broad interpretation of the law has closed the door for those who want to reform the monarchy.

Secondly, the ruling prohibits many acts, both those which have been done and those not done. This will allow those who oppose proposals for monarchy reform to flood the courts with petitions similar to the one today. Civil society organizations and political parties that rally for the amendment or abolition of the royal defamation law might be affected by this.

Thirdly, this order to gag people will not bring about reconciliation between those who think differently. It will exacerbate tensions between the old and the new generations who have different ideas about the monarchy.

“If you don’t want to enter the red zone, then don’t do it. Don’t speak. Don’t touch. Don’t do anything. Then, you will be in the safe zone. Your party won’t be disbanded. Your MPs can stay. Criminal charges won’t touch you. In public rallies, you mustn’t speak about this. Just talk about ousting Prayut. Don’t speak about these [monarchy] issues and you will be safe.”

Thalufah, a protest group, published a statement after the ruling, saying that Thai and global citizens should not accept the ruling. Criticism of individuals under the same constitution are constitutional.

“We insist and affirm that, according to the constitution, “Thailand is ruled by a democratic regime of government with the King as Head of State,” and in fact the monarch is only the “Head of State” [and] should not establish himself as a “regime of government” in this way.

“For the Constitutional Court to rule in this way is tantamount to their admitting that this country is governed by an absolute monarchy, not a democracy as is written in the constitution! And today’s ruling is a distortion of ‘what is written in the constitution’,” read the statement. No testimony from the accused

The complaint was originally filed against Anon Nampa, Panupong Jadnok, Panusaya Sithijirawattanakul, Parit Chiwarak, Jutatip Sirikhan, Siripatchara Jungthirapanich, Somyot Pruksakasemsuk, and Atittaya Pornprom. The Court later accepted the complaint against Anon, Panusaya, and Panupong, but dismissed the complaint against the remaining 5 activists.

The Court decided that only Anon, Panussaya and Panupong were involved in the 3 August and 10 August 2020 actions stated in the petition.

Natthaporn, a staunch royalist, is a former advisor to the Chief Ombudsman and has previously acted as a lawyer for the PAD, the Thai Patriots Network and other right-wing groups. In June 2019, he filed a similar complaint against the now-dissolved Future Forward Party (FFP), claiming that the party was linked to the Illuminati, a fictitious secret organization believed by conspiracy theorists to be seeking world domination. The Constitutional Court ruled to acquit the party in January 2020, citing insufficient evidence.

A similar complaint was also filed on 2 September 2020 by former Palang Pracharath Party MP candidate Sonthiya Sawasdee, who accused activists and protesters participating in the 18 July and 10 August 2020 demonstrations of attempting to “use their rights or liberties to overthrow the democratic regime with the monarch as Head of State.”

The Constitutional Court later ordered him to provide more evidence before deciding whether to accept the complaint. Sonthiya then submitted an addendum to the complaint on 28 September 2020 specifying that his complaint is against Parit, Panusaya, Anon, and Panupong, and adding information about the 19-20 September 2020 protests at Sanam Luang. Nevertheless, the Court dismissed the complaint, citing insufficient evidence.

Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) stated that, despite a request by lawyers for the three activists for them to be summoned for an inquiry along with several other witnesses to give them the opportunity to defend themselves, the ruling was made without examining witnesses and based only on the complaint itself, the objection to the complaint, and documents that the Court requested from the Office of the Attorney General, Khlong Luang Police Station, the Royal Thai Police, the National Security Office, the National Intelligence Agency, and Thammasat University.

The Court then ordered the inquiry concluded, claiming that it has enough evidence to issue a ruling.

TLHR also said that, in addition to the three activists themselves, they had requested that several academics be summoned as witnesses. They had planned to summon historians Nithi Eoseewong and Charnvit Kasetsiri to testify on Thai political history, and legal scholar Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang to argue that the activists’ actions do not qualify as using their rights and liberties to overthrow the democratic regime with the monarch as Head of State.

They also planned to summon writer Sulak Sivarak to speak about the role of the monarchy in Thai politics and President of the 1997 Constitution Drafting Assembly Uthai Pimchaichon to speak on the intention of Section 49 of the Thai Constitution, which is modelled after the same section in the 1997 Constitution.

None of the aforementioned witnesses were given a chance to testify.

A protester has been sentenced to 2 months in prison on a contempt of court charge for cutting his arm in court to protest the denial of bail for detained activists.

Joseph (pseudonym) cut his arm in front of the judge as an act of protest during an evidence hearing on 11 October 2021 to protest the denial of bail for activists Anon Nampa and Benja Apan, both of whom are detained pending trial on royal defamation charges.

Joseph is one of the 13 protesters facing royal defamation and sedition charges under Section 112 and 116 of the Thai Criminal Code, as well as using a sound amplifier without permission under the Controlling Public Advertisement by Sound Amplifier Act for either reading a statement or giving speeches during the protest in front of the German Embassy in Bangkok on 26 October 2020, in which they submitted a petition calling for the German authorities to investigate King Vajiralongkorn’s use of power during his time in Germany. Joseph is facing charges for reading out a statement in English.

Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) said that Joseph was charged with contempt of court for his action, and that the South Bangkok Criminal Court on Friday (17 December) sentenced him to 2 months in prison. He also received a 500-baht fine.

However, since he confessed and said to the court that his action was symbolic and that he has no intention of hurting anyone, the court reduced his sentence to 1 month in prison and a 250-baht fine. His sentence is also suspended for 6 months.

Several activists have previously been charged with contempt of court for demanding the right to bail for detained activists. TLHR said that 26 people have been charged with contempt of court in 16 cases since July 2020. Of these cases, 14 resulted from protests demanding the right to bail for detained activists.

On 22 November, activists Parit Chiwarak, Panupong Jadnok, Sam Samat, Thanapat Kapeng, Panadda Sirimaskul, Thatchapong or Chatchai Kaedam, Phromsorn Weerathamjaree, Sirichai Natueng and Nutchanon Pairoj were found guilty of contempt of court and sentenced to 10 days in jail by the Thanyaburi Provincial Court.

They were charged on 9 August for their role in a protest on 2 August 2021 to demand the release of 32 detained activists.

Parit, Panupong, and Sam are already being detained pending trial for other charges, while the remaining 6 individuals were released on 10,000-baht bail.

On 2 December 2021, Nutchanon was sentenced to 2 months in prison on another contempt of court change relating to a protest in front of the Ratchadaphisek Criminal Court on 30 April 2021 to demand the release of detained student activist Parit Chiwarak. He was released on 50,000-baht bail.

Nutchanon and Benja were previously sentenced to prison on another contempt of court charge stemming from a protest at the Ratchadaphisek Criminal Court on 29 April 2021 to demand the release of detained activists. Benja was sentenced to 6 months in prison – the highest possible sentence for the charge – while Nutchanon was sentenced to 4 months, but was released on bail using a 50,000-baht security.

Other than Benja and Nutchanon, 4 other activists are facing contempt of court charges for participating in the 29 April 2021 protest: Pattarapong Noipang, Shinnawat Chankrajang, Elia Fofi, and Pisitkul Kuantalaeng.

Kantapat (surname withheld), a 17 year old student activist, was summoned to the Nong Ki police station in Buriram Province on 3 January to sign a paper affirming that he would not interfere with an upcoming royal procession of Princess Sirindhorn on 5 January.

According to the Buriram Provincial Cultural Office, Princess Sirindhorn was planning to visit two Border Patrol Police Schools in the Lahansai and Pakham Districts on 5 January. En route, the royal procession was scheduled to pass through Nong Ki District.

Kantapat told Prachatai that he received a phone call from a police officer on 2 January asking him not to stage any activity on 5 January. The police also asked that he go to the police station to sign a daily record and allow police to confirm his whereabouts via telephone at least twice a day during 3-5 January period.

The activist said that he had no plan to organise an activity during that time and was instead preparing for a midterm exam that was scheduled for after the long new year’s holiday. Despite this, plainclothes police reportedly kept an eye on him at his home and school.

He could not explain why the police were ‘so anxious’.

Kantapat has been a target of the local police and school authorities since 2020, when he organised political activities in support of the pro-democracy movement and against the school’s uniform policy.

As a result of police monitoring prior to the 14 November monarchy reform protest in Bangkok, he was unable to join the demonstration.

In December 2020, his parents were also summoned to his school to hear complaints about his political activism and Facebook posts criticicing the school principal. In April 2021, the school forced him to sign a resignation letter stating that he had failed to meet school standards of behaviour by demonstrating his ‘love for the nation, religion and the monarch. The reason pertained to his pro-democracy activities.

He was told that if he repeated the offence, the resignation paper would become immediately effective.

Police monitoring of activists in advance of royal visits has been frequent since the 2014 coup. Activists in Northern Thailand have reported such monitoring on a number of occasions. The latest was on 20 December 2021 when Pakawadee Veerapaspong, a Chiang Mai activist and translator, was visited by plainclothes policemen before Princess Sirindhorn’s royal visit in Chiang Mai Province on 24 December. A full report was published by Thai Lawyers for Human Rights.

Prior to the Kantapat incident, royal processions in Bangkok have been targeted by activists twice. On 28 December 2021, three activists held up banners with the message “abolish Section 112” at a procession of King Vajiralongkorn in Bangkok. They were arrested and fined.

Two days later, another two activists were arrested and charged with royal defamation after raising a banner at the Equestrian Monument Intersection close by one of the King’s palaces shortly before a royal procession passed the area. The banner demanded the release of detained protesters.

Arrests in both cases involved the use of force, resulting in cuts and, in one instance, a dislocated shoulder.

On 6 December, 36 villagers from Chana District, Songkhla Province, were arrested after they camped in front of Government House, asking for an update on the promise made last year to reconsider a 16,700-rai industrial estate in the South that would affect their livelihoods.

As of 7 December afternoon, the environmental law NGO EnLaw,, tweeted that the villagers had been released without bail at the Narcotics Suppression Bureau where they were detained for a night. The police set the condition that they must not stage any activity of this kind again.

According to the Cross Cultural Foundation (CrCF), the villagers were charged with violating the Emergency Decree, causing traffic disruptions and refusing to follow official instructions. Among the villagers charged was a 70 year old.

“What the police have done to the people of Chana who came peacefully to demand answers from the government clearly shows that this is a government working for tycoons before the people,” said Pornpen Kongkachonkiet, Director of the Cross Cultural Foundation. “This further demonstrates that this government has no respect for the people.”

On Tuesday, 18-year-old Khairiyah Rahmanyah and other young protesters who had not been arrested gathered in front of the Office of the Public Sector Development Commission, opposite Government House, and declared they will keep fighting.

Meanwhile, Rungruang Rahmanyah, one of the protesters arrested last night, wrote a letter while in detention saying that the police told them that the authorities won't press charges against them if they stop protesting against the industrial project.

Ruangruang wrote that the protesters refused the offer, and that they will return to Government House once released.

"We are ready to give up our lives," he wrote.

On Monday night, community members were taken away in a detention truck, while crowd control police prevented reporters from recording the operation, threatening them with arrest and claiming that this was in line with an agreement between the Royal Thai Police and the media professional associations. Lights were intentionally directed against the photographers to prevent photographing. The police also stopped volunteer medics from reaching community members.

The incident caused #saveจะนะ hit Thailand’s twitter top trend on 6 and 7 December.

The Chana industrial project was approved by a resolution at the last cabinet meeting of the junta government which was installed after the coup in 2014. The project aims to construct an 18-billion-baht industrial estate on 16,700 rai of land. The area covers 3 sub districts with 1,500 residents.

The project is controversial because of questions about the public hearing process where those who opposed the project for a number of reasons, including its impact on livelihoods, homes and the environment, were barred from attending hearings.

The villagers had come to protest at Government House in December last year, demanding the project be cancelled and for a proper Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) to be conducted to establish quality technical data for decisions about further development projects in the south.

At that time, Thammanat Prompao, the then Deputy Minister of Agriculture and Cooperatives, announced that a committee would be formed consisting of both those in favour and those against the project. Membership of the committee would be considered later and fieldwork carried out at the beginning of 2021.

On Tuesday (7 December 2021), Prime Minister Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha answered the media about the Chana protesters incident, saying that what Thammanat had proposed to the villagers was not agreed upon by either the cabinet or himself.

Gen Prayut was the one who fired Thammanat in September 2021 during the no-confidence motion after rumours of Thammanat’s attempt to topple him from within the ruling Palang Pracharat Party.

Community rights activist Khairiyah Rahmanyah, 18, said she received a summons from the Pathumwan Police Station for violating the Emergency Decree and the Sound Amplifier Act.

Khairiyah, a 1st-year student at the Prince of Songkhla University’s Faculty of Communication Sciences, said that she has to report to Pathumwan Police Station on Friday, 7 January 2022. She was uncertain of why she was being harassed, said that she just wants to study like other people, and asked why it was no longer possible for people in the country to voice their opinions.

On 29 November 2021, Khairiyah came to Bangkok to follow up on an as-of-yet unfulfilled promise the government made in 2019 to reconsider a 16,700-rai Chana industrial estate project and conduct a Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA). She sat in front of Government House every evening for a week to remind the administration of its pledge, but received no response from the authorities.

On 6 December 2021, a group of Chana community members came to Bangkok to occupy the area in front of Government House to demand that the government keep its promises. They were arrested that evening at their camp and charged with violation of the Emergency Decree. Held overnight at the Narcotics Suppression Bureau, they were released on 7 December without bail on the condition that they not return to Government House.

After their release, the protesters occupied the foothpath in fron of the UN headquarters on Ratchadamneon Avenue for five days before marching to Government House and occupying the nearby Chamai Maruchet bridge.

On Tuesday, 14 December, the cabinet finally issued a resolution to conduct an SEA, temporarily halting the Chana industrial zone project. The National Economic and Social Development Council was tasked with leading the SEA process. The results will be evaluated by Thaksin and Prince of Songkla Universities. The next morning, the protesters left for Songkhla.

When they were occupying the footpath in front of the UN headquarters, Khairiyah and several other young protesters from Chana participated in an event organised by the People Go Network. On 10 December 2021, she spoke on stage and participated in discussion circles about community rights issues at the courtyard in front of the Bangkok Art and Culture Centre (BACC).

The Faculty of Political Science Student Union at the Prince of Songkhla University Pattani campus issued a statement last night (4 December) decrying the police action as a strategic lawsuit against public participation (SLAPP) and an attempt to silence people exercising their constitutional right to demand justice for their community.

The Student Union also asked the university administration to stand by students who face harassment from state officials and support students fighting charges. They further asked that the authorities respect people’s rights and end unwarranted prosecutions.

Three activists, one a 17 year old, were arrested on Tuesday night (28 December) for holding up banners with the message “abolish Section 112” at Wongwian Yai, where a crowd of people were waiting to see King Vajiralongkorn and his entourage.

A video clip of the incident shows the activists being surrounded by men wearing royal volunteer service yellow shirts and scarves. The men dragged them away, injuring them in the process.

Five activists were detained during the incident. Three - Sainam, Baipor, and Tawan (last names withheld) - were taken to the nearby Bupharam Police Station. Another two unidentified individuals were released.

A second video clip of the event shows a woman running up to the King’s vehicle as he was getting out of the car. She was immediately held back by guards.

According to Pol Lt Col Seksan Pa-taesang from Buphharam Police Station, the woman was sent to the Somdej Chao Phraya Institute of Psychiatry. When our reporter asked what charges are being filed against the three activists, he immediately hung up.

Tawan, 20, said that they arrived at Wongwian Yai around 16.00 and were planning to raise their banners when the royal motorcade reached the scene to communicate directly with the King. Although concerned that they might be attacked by royalists, she said that they still wanted to exercise their right to express their opinions.

Baipor said that they planned to stand on the footpath but while waiting, were approached by a plainclothes officer who appeared to recognise Sainam. According to Baipor, they told the officer that they were only holding banners and did not intend to cause harm. Unidentified men in yellow shirts then surrounded them. In footage of the incident, formally clad police officers receiving the royal motorcade took part in the arrest.

Tawan added that the men in yellow shirt surrounded them for around an hour. Once the Queen appeared, they lifted up their banner, but the men immediately pulled it down. She said that they were not planning to make noise, but when the men snatched their banners away, they began shouting “abolish Section 112.” They had earlier decided to do this if they were assaulted. The men dragged them away, putting their hands over the activists’ mouth and choking them in the process.

Tawan said that instead of being brought to a police station, they were taken into a nearby alley and made to wait there until the royal motorcade left. Angered by the treatment, the activists demanded to know what crime they were being charged with. Instead of answering, the officers ordered them to sit down and pushed them to the ground. Around 20.00, they were taken to the Buppharam Police Station.

According to Tawan, when the men sought to physically silence her by placing their hands over her mouth, they knocked her contact lenses out of position, pushing them deep inside her eyelids. She was later able to remove them but Sainam and Baipor both suffered injuries. Baipor was cut on the lips.

Asked about the woman who ran towards the King’s vehicle, Tawan said that she was not part of their group and that they never approached the royal entourage.

The activists were released a little after midnight. They were charged with causing a public commotion and failing to comply with police orders. Each received a 1000-baht fine. Following their release, they said that they were going to a hospital to make a record of their injuries and would by pressing charges against their assailants.

Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) reports that police released the other two activists as they were only taking pictures of the protest, not shouting or holding up banners.

No journalist should be threatened for doing their job, said the National Union of Journalists in the Philippines.

This after the reported threats against Adrian Puse, a journalist and safety officer of Altermidya.

In a statement, Altermidya said Puse received multiple death threats on Sunday, Dec. 19 from a Facebook user named “Bob Dinelli.”

Among the threats that Puse received were “uunti-untiin kita”, “alam ko bahay mo at pinagtatrabahuhan mo” (I know where you work and live), and “huling pasko (mo) na ito” (this is your last Christmas).

The sender also named Puse’s sister, her address, and his girlfriend’s name and email address.

“Days before, Adrian’s girlfriend received a message asking her to ‘cooperate’ with the sender in settling a certain ‘injustice’ that Adrian had supposedly done. The sender also mentioned specific details of Adrian’s whereabouts, which are all obviously fabricated and could easily be disproved,” the group said in a statement.

Puse has been with Altermidya for two years.

Facebook has since taken down what appears to be a newly-created “Bob Dinelli” account.

“We condemn the continuing attempts to silence media practitioners with threats, harassment, cyberattacks, and intimidation. Independent journalists will not be coerced against these attacks against media freedom, especially now when our responsibility of truth-telling is more urgent than ever,” Altermidya said.

They added that these acts, “clearly meant to intimidate Adrian in his task as a journalist, are a serious concern amid unrelenting attacks against independent media, rights defenders, and the administration’s perceived critics.”

The threats against Puse happened just after the news of distributed denial of service (DDoS) attacks against Rappler, Vera Files as well network giant ABS-CBN’s news website.

The NUJP meanwhile said that they stand with Altermidya in condemning the harassment against Puse.

“No journalist should be threatened for doing their jobs in delivering news and information to communities. We reiterate our call to defend press freedom and stop the attacks against the Filipino press,” the group said.

A group of Filipino journalists has assailed the series of cyber-attacks targeting the Philippine media and called on government agencies to investigate and stop these attacks.

In its statement, ABS-CBN said their news website was shut down on Dec. 11, and became inaccessible to their readers at 10:30 a.m. The news network confirmed that it was a distributed denial of service attack, which lasted for almost six hours.

DDoS refers to the flooding of a website server until it becomes inaccessible to its readers.

Four days later, online news Rappler said the website was also subjected to a DDoS attack, and that it shut down their website for two hours. Later in the evening, at 9:56 p.m., their website had already received over six million requests. At the peak of the attack, the site had reportedly received over 650,000 requests per second. Rappler also mentioned that 95 percent of the requests barraging their site were targeting the recently published story on the Senate’s approval of the bill which allowed 100% foreign ownership of public utility services.

Among the latest was that of Vera Files, an independent media known for its fact-checking arm, which was subjected to DDoS on Dec. 16.

In a report, Vera Files said their website security service recorded “almost 4,000 of unique IP addresses issued more than 70 million” against them.

The National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) condemned the consecutive attacks on media, and said in their statement that these attacks continue to happen amid the urgent need for information as the country is faced with Typhoon Odette.

“NUJP stands with colleagues under cyber-attack and is ready to work with them to document, trace and hold the perpetrators accountable,” the group said.

This is not the first time that news agencies have been subjected to cyber-attacks.

Last month, alternative news Pinoy Weekly has been subjected to another wave of cyberattacks, leading to the shutdown of their website for almost two days.

Pinoy Weekly, Bulatlat, Kodao Productions, and AlterMidya – People’s Alternative Media Network have been subjected to relentless cyberattacks since 2018. This year, Sweden-based Qurium Media Foundation was able to trace the attacks to the Department of Science and Technology (DOST) and the Philippine Army.

“That these attacks are happening as we near the elections — when vetted information will be crucial in addressing disinformation, misinformation, and political rhetoric — is the most concerning of all,” NUJP said.

Opposition and rights activists in Kazakhstan have come under pressure from authorities a week before the commemoration of Independence Day on December 16, a date that coincides with two sensitive anniversaries in modern Kazakh history.

Bolatbek Bilalov, a noted opposition activist, was detained by police on December 9 in the Kazakh capital, Nur-Sultan, for unexplained reasons.

Bilalov's wife told RFE/RL that her husband was taken by police as he was traveling to his mother's home.

"He called me and told me that he was being transported to a police station in the Sary-Arqa district," Aqmaral Bilalova said.

The police did not answer questions from RFE/RL regarding Bilalov’s detention.

A day earlier, police in Kazakhstan’s largest city, Almaty, said that another jailed opposition activist, Aidar Mubarakov, had launched a hunger strike on December 6, to protest against his incarceration.

Mubarakov was sentenced to 15 days in jail on December 5 for taking part in an unsanctioned protest action in central Almaty last month.

A court in Kazakhstan’s largest city, Almaty, has sentenced noted opposition activist Erlan Faizullaev to 15 days in jail for allegedly participating in a rally last month, his third conviction in the past six months.

Faizullaev was found guilty on December 7 of violating the law on mass gatherings by taking part in an unsanctioned rally demanding political reforms late last month in a park in Almaty. Faizullaev pleaded not guilty, saying that he was in the area to attend a concert that had nothing to do with the rally.

Earlier in November, the 39-year-old activist, along with two other opposition activists, was sentenced to five days in jail on charge of disobedience to police, while in June he was sentenced to 18 months of parole-like restricted freedom for supporting the banned Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DVK) movement and its associated Koshe (Street) party.

Many activists across the Central Asian nation have been handed lengthy prison terms or parole-like restricted freedom sentences in recent years for their involvement in the activities of the DVK and the Koshe party, as well as for taking part in rallies organized by the two groups.

DVK is led by Mukhtar Ablyazov, the fugitive former head of Kazakhstan’s BTA Bank and an outspoken critic of the Kazakh government. Kazakh authorities labeled the DVK extremist and banned the group in March 2018.

Human rights groups have said Kazakhstan’s law on public gatherings contradicts international standards as it requires preliminary permission from authorities to hold rallies and envisions prosecution for organizing and participating in unsanctioned rallies, even though the nation’s constitution guarantees its citizens the right of free assembly.

Kazakh authorities have insisted there are no political prisoners in the Central Asian country.

Two civil rights activists in the western Kazakh city of Aqtau have been sentenced to one year of restricted freedom for supporting the banned Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DVK) movement and its associate, the unregistered Koshe (Street) party amid an ongoing crackdown on supporters of the two opposition groups.

A court in the Caspian Sea port city sentenced 32-year-old Abzal Qanaliev late in the evening on December 21. The ruling came a day after a separate ruling by the court against 29-year-old Aizhan Ismakova.

Qanaliev and Ismakova were also barred from using social networks for 30 and 24 months, respectively.

Both pleaded not guilty.

Many activists across the Central Asian country have been handed lengthy prison terms or parole-like, restricted-freedom sentences in recent years for their involvement with the DVK and Koshe, as well as for taking part in rallies organized by the two groups.

DVK is led by Mukhtar Ablyazov, the fugitive former head of Kazakhstan's BTA Bank and outspoken critic of the government. The authorities labeled the DVK "extremist" and banned it in March 2018.

The crackdown on the two groups' supporters and other activists has increased recently, before and after the former Soviet republic's Independence Day on December 16.

The holiday coincides with two sensitive events in modern Kazakh history, the anniversaries of the 1986 Kazakh anti-Kremlin youth demonstrations in Almaty, known as the Zheltoqsan revolt, and a deadly 2011 police crackdown against protesting oil workers in the southwestern town of Zhanaozen, when at least 16 oil workers died.

Prominent human rights activist Idris Khattak spent years campaigning against enforced disappearances in Pakistan, where critics say the practice has been used by authorities to stifle dissent.

But the 58-year-old himself became the victim of an enforced disappearance in 2019 when Pakistani intelligence agents bundled him into a car in broad daylight and whisked him away to an unknown location.

For seven months, Khattak’s family had no idea where he was or why he was taken. Then, in a rare admission of an enforced disappearance, Pakistan’s powerful military confirmed he was in custody and had been charged with treason.

Now, following a secret trial, a military court has convicted Khattak of espionage and leaking sensitive information to a foreign intelligence agency, sentencing him to 14 years in prison, his family and lawyer say. His whereabouts are still unknown.Authorities have not made the December 4 verdict public, leaving Khattak’s family in the dark over the exact status of his case and conviction.

“First they took my father and then they disappeared him,” Talia Khattak, the 21-year-old daughter of the rights defender, told RFE/RL’s Radio Mashaal. “Now they have found him guilty but haven’t said what evidence they have against him.”

She added that the family had not been notified of Khattak’s trial. His conviction was disclosed by a liaison army officer during a hasty phone call, she said.

“Without offering any details, they told me that my dad was found guilty of espionage,” she said, adding that she also did not receive any information from her father’s lawyer.

“We are very worried,” she added. “Fourteen years in prison means that my father would be 72 years old when he completes his sentence, if he stays healthy. He is diabetic and needs regular medical attention.”Khalid Afridi, Khattak’s lawyer, told Radio Mashaal that he was also not notified of Khattak's trial or sentencing. He said he found out through “informal means.”

“We are going to file a petition against the verdict,” Afridi said, adding that he would appeal to a higher military court and, if that failed, take the case to the Supreme Court.

Khattak was tried by a military court behind closed doors even though he is a civilian. Attempts by Khattak’s lawyer to have the trial take place in a civilian court have twice been rejected.

Rights groups have condemned the secrecy surrounding Khattak’s case and conviction, saying it violates the activist’s right to a fair trial and prevents his family and lawyer from planning any legal recourse.

Rights activists suggest Khattak was arrested because he spoke out against the arbitrary detentions and forced disappearances committed by the military, which has an oversized role in domestic and foreign affairs.

Criticism of the army has long been seen as a red line, with activists and journalists complaining of intimidation tactics including kidnappings, beatings, and even killings if they cross that line.

The Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), the military's media wing, did not respond to calls from Radio Mashaal seeking comment.

‘Baseless’ Charges

Khattak spent years compiling a list of the victims of enforced disappearances in the tribal belt in northwestern Pakistan, home to the country’s largest ethnic minority, the Pashtuns. Khattak himself is a Pashtun.

A former militant stronghold, the restive area has been the scene of brutal military offensives and terrorist attacks that have killed thousands of civilians and uprooted millions more since 2003. Khattak had also campaigned against the army’s alleged abuses in the southwestern province of Balochistan, including enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings of political activists and suspected separatists, arbitrary arrests, and torture.

A former consultant with Amnesty International, Khattak was traveling from the capital, Islamabad, to his hometown of Nowshera when his car was intercepted by intelligence agents in November 2019.

After a monthslong legal battle and a social media campaign by his family, Pakistan’s Defense Ministry admitted in June 2020 that Khattak was in the custody of the Military Intelligence, a spy service.

The ministry said Khattak was being charged with treason under the Official Secrets Act (OSA), a law that criminalizes espionage and the disclosure of government secrets. Rights groups say the colonial-era legislation has been used to suppress free speech.

The OSA also gives military courts jurisdiction to try civilians for some offences, including espionage.

The conviction against Khattak is believed to stem from a meeting with Michael Semple in July 2009, more than 10 years before his enforced disappearance.

A court order described Semple as an agent for Britain’s MI6 intelligence service. At the time of the meetings, Semple was a fellow at Harvard University and had been a high-ranking United Nations and European Union official in neighboring Afghanistan.

Khattak was convicted of providing information to Semple about Pakistani military operations in the country’s tribal areas.

He was expelled by the Afghan government for "unauthorized activity” in 2008. Semple is currently a professor at Queen's University in Belfast.

Yameema Mitha, Semple’s Pakistan-born wife, has denied that her husband was an MI6 agent, saying the allegations were “fictitious.” Semple himself has not publicly commented on the allegations.

“This is baseless,” Talia Khattak told Radio Mashaal. “At the time my father disappeared, he was researching civilian casualties from Pakistani military operations in the tribal areas. He had also interviewed family members of victims of enforced disappearances.”

During Khattak’s two-year detention, his daughter has been allowed to meet with him only three times.

“Our meetings were only brief,” said Talia Khattak, who is a university student. “We weren’t allowed to speak in Pashto, our native language, during our meetings. We were also not allowed to speak about the case. Papa always tried to stay strong and asked me to focus on my studies.”

‘Shameful Two-year Process’

Rights groups have condemned Khattak’s secret trial and conviction.

“Khattak’s conviction under these circumstances is the culmination of a series of egregious abuses that began with his abduction, seven-month enforced disappearance, and subsequent secret trial that violated due process and fair trial standards,” Human Rights Watch said in a statement on December 6. The rights group called on Pakistani authorities to “quash the verdict and sentence against Khattak,” and instead conduct his trial in a civilian court, if there was “any credible evidence that a crime has been committed.”

In a statement issued on December 4, Amnesty International said that, if confirmed, Khattak’s conviction will be the “culmination of a shameful two-year process that has been unjust from start to finish.”

The rights group said that “enforced disappearance has been used as a tool to muzzle dissent and criticism of military policies.” The individuals and groups targeted in enforced disappearances include members of ethnic minorities, political activists, and human rights defenders.

In 2011, the Pakistani government created a commission to document and investigate cases of enforced disappearances. The commission has since received complaints in over 8,000 cases, of which around 2,200 remain unresolved. But the body has been criticized for failing to “address entrenched impunity.”Last month, Pakistan’s lower house of parliament passed a bill that, for the first time, defined and criminalized the practice of enforced disappearances. But rights groups have criticized the proposed law and said it would not do enough to hold perpetrators to justice.

Rights groups have described the heavy toll on the families of the disappeared and their difficulties in obtaining information about their detained relatives.

Talia Khattak said despite the immense pain the ordeal has inflicted on her family, they will not give up their fight to secure her father’s freedom.

“I will knock every door and use all legal options to release him,” she said.

The government of the Pakistan-administered portion of the disputed region of Kashmir has barred entry to the leader of the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), an organization that campaigns for Pashtuns in the South Asian country.

A notification issued on December 22 said that PTM head Manzoor Pashteen would be barred from entry and from speaking at public events for three months.

The PTM campaigns against violations of human rights and seeks to locate missing persons who are believed to have been detained by the Pakistani intelligence agencies.

In December 2020, the government of Pakistan’s southwestern province of Balochistan also banned Pashteen from entry. In March, the authorities expelled him from the province after he attended a condolence ceremony for slain political leader Asad Khan Achakzai.

Some 35 million ethnic Pashtuns live in Pakistan, many near the border with Afghanistan where the military has conducted campaigns against the Pakistani Taliban.

Thousands of Pakistani Pashtuns have been killed and millions displaced by the Pakistani Army’s campaigns since 2003.

Kashmir is a disputed Himalayan region claimed by both India and Pakistan, each of which administers part of it. The two countries have fought two wars over Kashmir, and a UN-negotiated cease-fire has been in effect since 1965.

A number of Afghan women have been injured in a stampede caused by Taliban guards firing in the air during a protest in Kabul against discriminatory measures including new travel restrictions on women.

The protest on December 28 came amid rising anger -- both within the country and internationally -- over the Taliban's moves to restrict the rights of women.

Participants told RFE/RL that up to 130 women attended the protest in Kabul, and shots fired in the air by Taliban militants trying to disperse the demonstration prompted fleeing protesters to fall and trample one another. Several women sustained injuries in the stampede, witnesses said.

It was not immediately clear how many women were injured in the incident.

Afghanistan's Asvaka news agency reported that the incident occurred near the hospital of the Italian Emergency humanitarian organization. It gave no information on victims or wounded.

Reshmina, one of the protesters who suffered injuries while falling on a gas tank, told RFE/RL she was too scared to see a doctor for treatment.

"My face is injured so badly that even now when I speak with you, I am in much pain. We couldn't even go to a doctor because we don't feel safe, we are threatened. Even now, while speaking with you I am shaking [with fear]."

There was a second, much smaller protest in the western part of Kabul during which women accused the Taliban of killing soldiers who served under the previous government that was toppled by the militant group in mid-August, RFE/RL correspondents reported.

Taliban officials did not immediately respond to requests from RFE/RL for comment.

On December 26, officials said that women seeking to travel more than 72 kilometers should not be offered transport unless they were accompanied by a close male relative.

In the advisory distributed by the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, all vehicle drivers also were directed to refrain from playing music in their cars, and not to pick up female passengers who do not wear an Islamic hijab.

Since taking over Afghanistan, the Taliban have named an all-male government that is dominated by veteran militants vowing a return to strict Shari'a law, a stark blow to Afghan and international hopes that the Taliban's second stint in power will prove less restrictive than two decades ago.

The hard-line Islamist group has shut down the former administration's Women's Affairs Ministry and significantly curtailed women's rights. The vast majority of women have been banned from working, while many girls and women have been deprived of the right to an education.

"Women can't travel alone or go to schools and colleges...this kind of retrogressive thinking is dangerous," Pakistani Information Minister Fawad Chaudhry said late on December 27 in a rare rebuke of the Taliban from neighboring Pakistan.

Last month, the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice ordered Afghanistan's television channels to stop showing dramas featuring women actors and said female television journalists must wear a hijab.

Women's rights were severely curtailed during the Taliban's previous rule in the 1990s, when they were then forced to wear the all-covering burqa, only allowed to leave home with a male chaperone, and banned from work, education, and sports.

Myanmar authorities should release three Kanbawza Tai News journalists recently sentenced to prison for their work and drop all charges against them, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

On December 10, a court at the Nyaung Shwe Taung Lay Lone Prison, in Shan state, sentenced editor Nang Nang Tai, reporter Nann Win Yi, and publisher Tin Aung Kyaw to three years each in prison under Article 505(a) of the penal code, according to a report by their employer and Kanbawza Tai News chief editor Zay Tai, who communicated with CPJ by messaging app.

Article 505(a) criminalizes “any attempt to cause fear, spread false news, [or] agitate directly or indirectly a criminal offense against a government employee” or any action that causes “hatred, disobedience, or disloyalty toward the military and the government.”

All three journalists were arrested on March 24, 2021, at their homes in Hopong, Shan state, after covering protests against the country’s February 1 coup, Zay Tai said, adding that they had been held in pretrial detention since their arrests.

“Myanmar’s coup government must immediately release journalists Nang Nang Tai, Nann Win Yi, and Tin Aung Kyaw, and stop prosecuting members of the press for merely gathering and presenting the news,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Myanmar’s junta must stop treating journalists like criminals and allow all reporters to work freely without fear of imprisonment and reprisal.”

Kanbawza Tai News is an independent news website that covers politics and general news in Shan state, according to CPJ’s review of its website and Facebook page, which has more than 600,000 followers.

Zay Tai also faces an arrest warrant under Article 505(a) but has not been detained as of today, he told CPJ and The Irrawaddy.

The three sentenced journalists attended 19 court hearings held from April 8 to December 10, according to their employer’s report. They were allowed access to lawyers but not their family members, and do not immediately plan to appeal their convictions, Zay Tai told CPJ.

The court also sentenced Nang Nang Tai’s relative Sai Si Thu to three years in prison on the same charge, Zay Tai told CPJ, adding that authorities falsely described Sai Si Thu as a journalist.

CPJ emailed Myanmar’s Ministry of Information for comment, but did not immediately receive any response.

Myanmar’s military junta has cracked down on independent media outlets since its democracy-suspending coup on February 1, 2021, and has detained dozens of journalists, according to CPJ research.

In CPJ’s annual prison census, published earlier this month, Myanmar ranked as the world’s second-worst jailer, with at least 26 members of the press held behind bars for their work.

The Taliban must thoroughly investigate the recent attack on journalist Jawed Yusufi, hold those responsible to account, and ensure the safety of Afghan reporters, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

At about 5 p.m. yesterday, four unidentified men followed Yusufi, a reporter with the independent online Ufuq News Agency, while he was on his way home in the Dashte Barchi area of Kabul, the capital, and attacked him, according to a report by his employer and the journalist, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app.

The men punched and kicked Yusufi repeatedly and stabbed him in the back several times while he was trying to escape, and then fled the scene, according to the journalist. He told CPJ that he was brought to two local hospitals that were unable to treat his injuries, and at about 1:30 a.m. today he underwent an operation for several hours at a third location, Kabul’s Ibne Sina Hospital.

Yusufi told CPJ that the men did not take anything from him, and during the attack one of them called him “the foolish journalist.”

“The Taliban must take swift action to apprehend the men behind the brutal attack on journalist Jawed Yusufi and bring them to justice,” said CPJ Asia Coordinator Steven Butler, in Washington, D.C. “Prosecuting those who attack journalists is an essential measure to assure any semblance of press freedom in Afghanistan.”

Following the incident, Yusufi called a Taliban spokesperson and reported the attack; a Taliban agent from Police District 13 met the journalist at the first hospital he was brought to, and asked if he was okay, Yusufi said. Taliban today authorities blamed “armed thieves” for the attack, according to news reports.

In a previous incident, on November 5, 2014, unidentified armed men in Kabul beat and punched Yusufi, while he was then working at the Arezo TV station, according to news reports. He subsequently received threats from people who said they wanted to torture and kill him, the journalist said. Yusufi told CPJ that, after that 2014 attack, he lived mostly in hiding and briefly stopped working as a journalist.

After the Taliban takeover of Kabul on August 15, 2021, Yusufi worked for Ufuq News Agency from a hidden location, he said. His recent work has covered education, crime, the deteriorating free speech situation since the Taliban takeover, and the prospect of women’s resistance under the Taliban.

Ufuq News Agency is an independent online news platform that covers political, security, and economic issues in Afghanistan.

Ahmadullah Wasiq, a Taliban deputy spokesperson in Afghanistan, did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment sent via messaging app.

On December 11, the director of the Taliban-controlled Kabul Directorate of Refugee Affairs, Abdul Matin Rahimzai, and his bodyguards detained and beat Afghan journalist Sayed Rashed Kashefi, as CPJ documented at the time.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) calls for the immediate release of Muhammad Asrul, a journalist in central Indonesia’s South Sulawesi province who has been sentenced to three months in prison in a defamation case which, under Indonesian law, should have been treated as a civil matter. The prosecution must drop the case and let him be acquitted on appeal, RSF says.

A reporter for the Berita News website who investigated alleged local corruption, Muhammad Asrul was convicted on 23 November by a court in the city of Palopo of criminal defamation under section 27.3 of the “Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik” Law (Electronic Information and Transactions Law) – usually referred to as the “ITE Law.”

He was convicted in connection with a three-part story in May 2019 about alleged embezzlement by local officials in three building projects – repairs to a hydro-electric dam, the revitalisation of the Palopo Pancasila industrial zone and construction of a bypass west of the city.

Acquittal on appeal

The complaint was brought by the Palopo mayor’s son, Farid Kisam Judas, who was named in the articles. He filed criminal charges on 17 December 2019 accusing Asrul of defamation and inciting hatred. The police arrested Asrul six weeks later, on 29 January 2020, without allowing him access to a lawyer, and he was held for 36 days, until Indonesia’s Press Council, known as the “Dewan Pers,” intervened and obtained his conditional release. But the local prosecutor’s office pursued its criminal investigation.

“Muhammad Asrul’s three-month prison sentence violates the basic principles of press freedom as proclaimed in the Republic of Indonesia’s fundamental laws,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk. “We call on the Palopo prosecutor’s office to immediately drop their unjustified case against this journalist so that he can be released and acquitted on appeal. He should never have been brought before a criminal court because this kind of complaint should be handled as a civil matter, as the ‘Dewan Pers’ has maintained.”

Civil jurisdiction denied

The Press Council, which issued a statement condemning the Palopo court’s decision, can itself act as mediator in a defamation complaint against a journalist by someone named in a media report. The Press Council’s competence in this case was nonetheless denied by the prosecutor’s office, which claimed that Berita News was not registered as a media outlet when Asrul’s articles were published and that this therefore justified treating the matter as a criminal case.

The ITE Law is often used by local officials in Indonesia to harass journalists whose reporting annoys them. Diananta Putra Sumedi, a local website editor in South Kalimantan province, was sentenced to three and a half years in prison under the ITE Law in 2020 for his coverage of the allegedly illegal seizure of land from an indigenous group by a huge palm oil company with accomplices within the local government. The Press Council’s role in this case was also overridden by the local prosecutor’s office, as RSF reported at the time.

Indonesia is ranked 113th out of 180 countries in RSF's 2021 World Press Freedom Index.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) calls on the international community to toughen its sanctions on Myanmar’s military junta after a journalist who was covering the plight of refugees in the southeastern state of Kayin was killed during an army artillery attack near the border with Thailand on 25 December.

Federal News Journal editor Sai Win Aung, also known as A Sai K, was the second journalist to die as a result the junta’s violence in less than two weeks.

He was killed instantly by a gunshot in Lay Kay Kaw Myothit, a town in Myawaddy district, during an artillery attack by the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s armed forces, against members of the People’s Defence Force (PDF), which has been offering armed resistance to the junta.

“Sai Wing Aung paid with his life for his determination to provide his fellow citizens with coverage of the terror that the armed forces have been inflicting on Myanmar’s population since last February’s military coup,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk. “He died a hero and his fight must not be in vain. We urge the international community to impose new targeted sanctions on members of the ruling junta in order to end the current escalation in terror.”

World’s second biggest jailer of journalists

Freelance photographer Soe Naing was the first journalist to die at the junta’s hands. Held since 10 December and badly injured during interrogation, he died of his injuries on 14 December, as RSF reported the same day. Soldiers had arrested him while he was covering a silent street protest in Yangon, Myanmar’s biggest city.

In its annual round-up of abusive treatment and violence against journalists published last week, RSF reported that a record number of journalists are being detained worldwide at the end of 2021 and that Myanmar has become the world’s second biggest jailer of journalists, after China.

Two journalists were being detained in Myanmar in connection with their work at the end of 2020, but Myanmar’s prisons are now holding at least 57, according to RSF’s press freedom violations barometer, which is constantly updated.

Myanmar is ranked 140th out of 180 countries in the World Press Freedom Index that RSF published in early 2021.

After a journalist died under interrogation today and three others were arrested in the past few days, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) calls on the international community to condemn the escalation in terror against reporters covering the news in Myanmar and to implement targeted sanctions against the generals running the country.

Freelance photographer Soe Naing has become the first journalist to pay with his life for trying to report the news. After being detained for four days, he was declared dead this morning as a result of the force used during interrogation. He was arrested by soldiers while covering a silent street protest in the Yangon district of Latha on 10 December to mark Human Rights Day.

Zaw Tun, a freelance photographer who works for various media outlets, was arrested at the same time as Soe Naing. Several sources including a relative told RSF that Soe Naing’s body was handed over to his family this morning. Zaw Tun continues to be held.

Alarm signal

“With Soe Naing’s death, a new tragic threshold has been crossed this morning in the terror that Myanmar’s military are using against journalists,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk. “His death must serve as an alarm signal and push the international community to impose new targeted sanctions on the military junta that has been running the country since February, starting with its chief, Gen. Min Aung Hlaing. The world can no longer look on without doing something.”

Two other reporters were arrested two days ago, on 12 December, in yet another sign of the ever-harsher crackdown on media personnel throughout the country.

One was Democratic Voice of Burma reporter Aung San Lin, who was arrested by soldiers in the middle of the night at his home in Pin Zen, a village in Wetlet, a district near the big northern city of Mandalay. RSF has been told that his arrest was a reprisal for his recent report about soldiers deliberately starting fires in order to target pro-democracy activists.

57 journalists detained

The other was Min Theik Tun, who was arrested a few hours later along with 11 other persons while covering a protest in Monywa, a town 100 km west of Mandalay, for a regional news agency, according to the Mizzima News website. Neither he nor Aung San Lin were able to talk with a relative or a lawyer.

RSF began sounding the alarm about the latest escalation in the persecution of journalists in Myanmar last week, after the violent arrests of two Myanmar Pressphoto Agency journalists, Kaung Sett Lin and Hmu Yadanar Khet Moh Moh Tun, on 5 December. The latter, who was badly injured when arrested, is still in a serious condition, according to the latest information.

According to RSF’s press freedom violations barometer, which is constantly updated, at least 57 journalists are currently imprisoned in Myanmar.

Myanmar is ranked 140th out of 180 countries in the World Press Freedom Index that RSF published in early 2021.

An app pretending to “auction” prominent Muslim women including journalists was posted online in India on 1 January. After talking to many Muslim women journalists, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) calls on the Indian authorities to intervene to put a stop to this form of harassment, which is both revolting and potentially dangerous for its targets.

“It started on the 1st of January,” said Ismat Ara, a journalist who works for The Wire news website. “One of my friends sent me an image and I opened it thinking it’s a Happy New Year wish, but it wasn’t. It was quite shocking to see my picture there.” Underneath her photo were the words: “Your BulliBai of the day.”

“BulliBai” is the name of the app posing as a special kind of auction house that appeared on 1 January on GitHub, a software development platform popular in India, and has been widely downloaded since then. A term of unclear origin – it refers to a penis in southern India and a female servant in northern India – “Bulli Bai” is now an insult for Muslim women throughout the country, one widely used by online trolls who support the Hindu nationalist right.

Photos of around 100 women – stolen from their social media accounts – and personal information about them have been posted on the app as if they are being “auctioned off” or “made available” to the app’s users. The victims include many journalists like Ismat Ara.

Commodification

Ara told RSF that she has filed a complaint about the app. “In my complaint I have called it a conspiracy because it’s also a sort of coordinated attack against a type of Muslim women,” she said. “It’s very dehumanising – people are commodifying you, objectifying you.”

The outcry in India has been such that Microsoft, GitHub’s owner, has taken the app down and India’s Electronics & Information Technology minister, Ashwini Vaishnaw, said in a tweet on 2 January that the police were looking into it. The police in Mumbai announced this morning that an initial arrest had been made.

“The appearance of this kind of app, offering to place women journalists at the disposal of its users as if they were objects, is absolutely chilling,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk. “We urge the Indian authorities to do whatever is necessary to bring those responsible for such apps to justice. To do nothing would be to condone an extremely violent form of harassment, a form of intimidation that discriminates against an entire sector of the journalistic community and exposes those targeted to potential physical attacks.”

No place in public life

Ara told RSF: “As a journalist, it becomes risky to have pictures of this kind floating around because I am in the field quite a lot. What if people physically harm me? I wouldn't want this to happen to anybody else.”

This phenomenon is all the more shocking because it’s not the first time that Muslim women journalists have been “auctioned off” on social media. As RSF reported at the time, an app almost identical to BulliBai, called “SulliDeals,” appeared on GitHub in July 2021. “Sulli” is yet another degrading term for Muslim women that is much used by far-right activists linked to Hindu fundamentalism.

The Print website editor Fatima Khan, who was one of several journalists advertised as “deal of the day” on SulliDeals, described the effect of this especially shocking form of harassment to RSF. “The common thread among all the targets is that these are all vocal Muslim women who aren’t afraid of expressing themselves,” she said. “The idea is to humiliate them and send the message that they don't belong in public life.”

The most vocal women journalists are the favourite targets of the trolls who use these apps. “This has been happening to me for four to five years now,” well-known Radio Mirchi presenter Sayema told RSF. “What with the morphing of my photos and the use of undiplomatic language, this method of silencing a woman is not new. It’s as if they want to put me back in my place after I’ve been pretty vocal on Twitter.”

Impunity

The users of this kind of app seem to think that a certain category of people should not be allowed to be journalists. “In India we have seen a rise in communal targeting,” Sayema said. “Everything about you is targeted – firstly, you’re a woman, secondly you’re a Muslim and thirdly you are a popular and progressive liberal voice.”

The most worrying aspect, in her view, is the impunity accompanying the emergence of this phenomenon. “In July, there was systematic auctioning and that should have been a wakeup call, but nothing happened,” she said. Complaints were registered with the police, “but what happened after that?” she asked.

No one was charged and no one was arrested. This complicit lack of reaction from the authorities encourages those responsible for the harassment, who are steeped in the climate of hatred towards India’s Muslim minority that is fostered by Hindutva supporters. Hindutva is the Hindu nationalist ideology that spawned the Bharatiya Janata Party, the party led by Narendra Modi, India’s prime minister since 2014.

Vicious circle

For journalists from these minorities, especially women journalists, a vicious circle is slowly but surely closing on them. Harassment, impunity, intimidation, self-censorship, silence...

Hida Beg, who writes for The Quint, described this mechanism on Twitter. “You did nothing to stop this the last time, and here it is again. I have censored myself, I hardly speak here anymore, but still, I am being sold online, I’m being made ‘deals’ out of.”

Quratulain Rehbar, a freelance journalist from Muslim-majority Kashmir who was among those offered for sale on BulliBai, experienced the devastating effects of this harassment in a very personal way.

“I come from a conservative society, but I felt this was something we had to talk about,” she said. “This is a serious issue and I felt I should tell somebody who is also a victim that they are not alone. But I couldn’t tell my mother.” She explained that her mother recently asked her: “Do you think you should do something else?” The implication was that she should quit journalism for the sake of her personal safety. “I have no hope,” Rehbar added.

India is ranked 142nd out of 180 countries in RSF's 2021 World Press Freedom Index.

Kazakhstan authorities must allow journalists to report freely on ongoing protests in the country and ensure their safety from officials and protesters, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

Since January 4, authorities in the Central Asian nation detained at least eight journalists reporting on mass protests in several cities and blocked at least two news sites following their coverage of nationwide protests, according to multiple news reports. Journalists reported being shot at by unidentified individuals, chased by protesters, and struck by law enforcement officers while reporting on the events. (CPJ could not independently confirm local media reports because of a communication shutdown.)

The protests began in reaction to a sharp rise in the price of liquefied gas, but have since expanded into wider anti-government demonstrations. Internet across the country and telecommunications in the capital Nur-Sultan and the country’s largest city of Almaty were shut down around 5 p.m. Wednesday and authorities declared a state of emergency in Nur-Sultan, the Almaty region, and the western Mangystau region where the protests began. Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Information warned media outlets that the emergency regulations authorized an increase in the maximum penalty for “knowingly spreading false information” to between three and seven years in prison.

“CPJ is extremely concerned by the developing situation in Kazakhstan as we receive reports of journalists’ arrest and acts of violence committed against them,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “We call on the Kazakh government to cease detaining members of the media, ensure the free flow of information, and take all possible measures to ensure the safety of journalists on the ground.”

Gulnara Bazhkenova, chief editor of independent news site Orda, wrote in a Telegram post that the site became inaccessible within Kazakhstan after the outlet reported on Tuesday that protesters were calling for the resignation of the government and the withdrawal of former president Nursultan Nazarbayev from public affairs.

Shortly afterward, independent news agency KazTAG wrote on Telegram that its website became inaccessible after the agency refused to comply with a written demand from the Ministry of Information and Social Development of Kazakhstan to remove an article that the ministry claimed contained “knowingly false information” about police use of force against protesters.

On January 4, Almaty police briefly detained Qasym Amanzhol, the acting head of Radio Azattyq’s Almaty bureau, the Kazakh service of the U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, while he was filming protests in the city, according to a report by his employer. Despite Amanzhol showing them his press credentials, police held the journalist for two hours at the Medeu district police station before releasing him and apologizing, but without explaining the reason for his detention, according to the report.

In other arrests on January 4, police in the southern city of Taraz detained Aizhan Auelbekova, a correspondent with independent newspaper Vremya, Daniyar Alimkul, a correspondent with independent TV station 7 Kanal, and Nurbolat Zhanabekuly, a correspondent with independent TV station 31 Kanal, while they were covering local protests, according to news reports.

Officers released Alimkul and Zhanabekuly at the scene but held Auelbekova for more than three hours in a Zhambyl region police station before releasing her without giving a reason for her detention, according to these reports and the journalist’s Facebook page.

In Almaty, police detained Bek Baitas, an editor for Orda, while he was filming protests on Monday evening, despite him showing his press card, according to a Telegram post by Bazhkenova. Bazhkenova said that police took Baitas to Almaly district police station where they twisted his arms and broke his phone, Bazhkenova wrote.

In Nur-Sultan, plainclothes police in Nur-Sultan surrounded the apartment of Makhambet Abzhan, a reporter for independent news site Exclusive, who has been covering the protests on his Telegram blog Abzhan News and commenting on Russian television, turned off his electricity, and prevented him from leaving for the night, according to Telegram posts on Abzhan News.

Nur-Sultan police also arrested Radio Azattyq editor Darkhan Omirbek while he was reporting on Monday night’s protests, despite him presenting his press ID, according to a report by Radio Azattyq and a live stream broadcast by the journalist following his arrest. Police took Omirbek to Almaty district police station and questioned him for four and a half hours before releasing him, the report stated. The journalist told CPJ by messaging app that it is unclear if he is suspected of committing any offense.

On January 5, Bazhkenova reported that Orda journalist Leonid Rasskazov was hit in the back by a rubber bullet fired by police and Baitas was hit in the face by shrapnel from a police stun grenade while reporting in Almaty.

Also in Almaty, KazTAG reported that a protester ordered its camera crew to stop filming and then chased them with a paving stone. When the journalists reached their vehicle, protesters began to hit and rock the vehicle, the agency said.

Omirbek told CPJ that unidentified individuals in Almaty shot at Radio Azattyq’s reporter Ayan Qalmurat and camera operator Sanat Nurbek on January 5, adding that Radio Azattyq had decided to recall its reporters in the city due to the dangerous situation. In Nur-Sultan, riot police hit Radio Azattyq reporter Nurgul Tappayeva in the back, said Omirbek.

Around 11 a.m. on January 5, police in Uralsk detained independent journalist Lukpan Akhmedyarov and questioned him at a local police station over alleged participation in an extremist organization, according to reports. He was released around 2 p.m., with a summons to attend further questioning later that day at 4 p.m., but CPJ was unable to confirm any further details.

At around the same time, also in Uralsk, police detained Serik Yesenov, a reporter with the independent news site Uralskaya Nedelya, while he was filming army vehicles in the city center, according to a report by his employer. Yesenov informed police that he was a journalist, but they grabbed his camera, deleted his footage and took him to Abay district police station, before releasing him after an unspecified amount of time, according to the report.

On Wednesday afternoon, protesters in Almaty stormed a building housing the editorial offices of several broadcasters–including local Kazakh television station KTK, reportedly owned by the Nursultan Nazarbayev Foundation; the local offices of Commonwealth of Independent States-funded broadcaster Mir 24; and Russian state-funded broadcaster Sputnik–and raided these outlets’ offices, damaging equipment, news reports stated. Orda reported that protesters detained journalists in the building for around an hour before leading them out of the building. Mir 24 and Sputnik have since confirmed that their employees left the building safely.

CPJ emailed the Interior Ministry of Kazakhstan and the Ministry of Information and Social Development for comment but did not receive a response.

On January 7, the Islamabad High Court will frame contempt charges against The News International’s owner, Mir Shakil-ur-Rahman, and two of its staff, Aamir Ghauri and Ansar Abbasi, for publishing an affidavit accusing Pakistan’s former Chief Justice, Saqib Nisar, of corruption. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) is concerned by the court's decision to commence punitive proceedings against journalists and calls for the annulment of all charges.

Senior journalist with The News International, Ansar Abbasi, published a report on November 15 last year containing an affidavit accusing former Chief Justice, Mian Saqib Nisar, of misconduct while in office. The affidavit was prepared by the former Chief Justice of Gilgit-Baltistan, Rana Shamim, and alleged that Nisar conspired to deny bail to several leaders of the PML-N opposition leadership before the 2018 elections.

On December 28, the Islamabad High Court moved to frame contempt charges against Abbasi and Ghauri, with the case slated to continue on January 7. If successful, the charges would effectively punish journalists for conducting their professional duties, seriously jeopardising the future of reporting and the media’s freedom of expression in Pakistan. Owner of Jang Geo Media Group, which oversees The News International, Mir Shakil-ur-Rahman was also implicated in the proceedings. Renowned for its critical investigations of Pakistani politicians, Jang Geo Media Group is one of Pakistan’s largest media groups. Mir Shakil-ur-Rahman has previously served eight months in prison in 2020 for a decades-old property deal.

Before publishing the article, Abbasi verified that the affidavit was genuine, and was prepared by Shamim. Abbasi said in court that he only intended to report the existence of an affidavit, not about the veracity of the facts narrated in it.

Pakistan's press clubs' and journalist bodies have expressed great concern for journalists and editors targeted for reporting which is critical of authorities. According to the IFJ’s South Asia Press Freedom Report 2020-2021, Pakistani media workers suffered under the harshest clampdown on dissent by any government during 2020 and 2021.

Sayed Rashed Kashefi, a reporter with the Kabul Times and Rasa TV, was allegedly beaten and detained for over six hours while covering a fight at an aid distribution site in Kabul’s 5th district. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and its Afghanistan affiliate, the Afghan Independent Journalists’ Association (AIJA), condemn the journalist’s detention and urge the Taliban authorities to swiftly investigate the incident.

On December 11, Abdul Matin Rahimzai, director of the Taliban administered Kabul Directorate of Refugee Affairs, and his bodyguards, interrupted Kashefi as he filmed a scuffle between one bodyguard and several female aid recipients.

Kashefi’s hands were tied and he was taken to the office of the Directorate of Refugee Affairs, where he was interrogated about the motive of the recording.

Rahimzai allegedly slapped the journalist on his face during the inquiry and confiscated both his smartphone and voice recorder used to document the incident. A bodyguard then handcuffed Kashefi and detained him for approximately six hours before his release.

According to Kashefi, Rahimzai’s bodyguard struck him on his back several times with a pipe. The journalist suffered wounds from the beating, according to photos posted by the Afghanistan Journalists Centre on Twitter.

Once the AIJA learned of the incident, it lobbied for Kashefi’s immediate release and the return of the confiscated recording devices, however, these have not been returned.

Afghanistan’s media landscape is increasingly fraught, as attacks against journalists and media workers, financial stress and harsh media restrictions increase following the Taliban’s takeover in mid-August. As many as 257 media outlets have shuttered since the Taliban gained control and, according to research conducted by the Afghanistan National Journalists Union (ANJU), at least 67% of journalists and media workers have been rendered jobless.

Around midnight on December 11,approximately 20 soldiers arrived at Aung San Lin’s residence in Pin Zin village and arrested him. The journalist was transferred to a Wetlet police station before being transported to the Shwebo Interrogation Centre on December 12.

Aung San Lin was reportedly beaten during his arrest, according to family members present at the scene, who have not been allowed to visit him and are concerned for his wellbeing.

The journalist was arrested after he published an article regarding the recent burning down of the homes of three National League for Democracy (NLD) supporters by Myanmar’s military and Pyu Saw Htee militia forces.

Executive director of DVB, Aye Chan Naing, confirmed Aung San Lin’s arrest. “So far, we haven’t got any updated news about him. We heard he was taken to the Shwe Bo military station and is no longer in his village in Wet Latt township,” he said.

On December 12, Min Theik Tun, an underage reporter for Myanmar’s Regional News Agency, was also arrested in Monywa of the Sagaing region along with 11 others. The young journalist was covering a protest in the area when he was detained.

Myanmar’s junta has antagonised journalists since it assumed control in the military coup on February 1, with over 100 journalists arrested during its administration and many remaining in custody. After its exclusion at a regional summit in October, the junta released dozens of journalists in an amnesty on humanitarian grounds, an action largely met with distrust.

“We have fought against them for so long, but the mining activities just carry on and so does the criminalization,” says Sapoy, a resident of Jomboran village on the Indonesian island of Java.

Sapoy, who goes by one name, was questioned by police in Sleman district, Yogyakarta province, where his village is located, in October in connection with a criminal complaint filed by a mining company operating in the area. He leads a group, the Kali Progo People’s Collective (PMKP), that has since 2017 protested against the mining of sand and rock in the vicinity of the Progo River, the main source of freshwater for many households in Sleman district.

The group says the mining operations have exacerbated the freshwater crisis in the district and created noise pollution. They also accuse the mining companies of forging their community consent documents, one of the pieces of paperwork required for obtaining an operating license.

In January this year, local police received two criminal complaints centered on the mining activities. One was filed Jan. 7 with the Sleman police by Pramudya Afgani, the owner of one of the mining outfits, in which he accused the PMKP of destruction of property and obstruction of mining activities following a protest in December 2020. The PMKP filed its own complaint Jan. 11 with the Yogyakarta police, alleging document forgery by the miners. Since then, however, police have only followed up on Pramudya’s complaint, questioning 18 Jomboran villagers, including Sapoy.

“The locals feel threatened by the mining activities there,” said Himawan Adi, head of advocacy for the Yogyakarta chapter of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi), the country’s biggest green NGO. “When they’re expressing their concerns, they end up facing criminalization.”

Walhi Yogyakarta says the police probe into the Jomboran village protesters is the first recorded case of a criminal investigation related to environmental protests since the passage of the country’s amended mining law in May 2020. The law has been widely criticized for stripping back environmental protections and favoring miners in disputes with affected communities.

Observers in Indonesia point to a long history of injustice toward communities involved in disputes with extractive companies. Protesters frequently face the threats of violence, arrest and imprisonment on dubious and often frivolous charges, activists say. In 2020, 69 Indonesians were “criminalized” in this way in eight cases, according to data from the watchdog NGO Mining Advocacy Network (Jatam).

“The state wants to chase after economic growth, but the people want to protect their environment because it’s limited,” said Julian Dwi Prasetya, head of advocacy for the Yogyakarta chapter of the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (YLBHI).

It’s a similar pattern to the persecution faced by communities embroiled in disputes and land conflicts with palm oil companies across Indonesia. An analysis of 150 disputes involving palm firms found that current channels for addressing the conflicts between villagers and companies generally fail to produce meaningful results for the affected communities.

With no other avenue for redress, communities often resort to staging demonstrations. These typically take the form of peaceful protests in front of government buildings, sometimes escalating into more confrontational actions in or near plantations, such as land occupations and blockades, according to the study.

Indonesia has a tainted track of environmental defenders being threatened with violence and even death. In the first quarter of 2021, 70 people in 10 cases were subject to arrest, physical abuse and unfair court trial, according to the think tank Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (ELSAM).

“This is harrowing data,” said ELSAM researcher Filarian Burhan.