Uwazi

Since October 8, authorities in Jammu and Kashmir have detained four journalists, subsequently releasing two of them, and questioned one other, according to various news reports and other people familiar with the incidents, who spoke to CPJ via phone.

The five journalists are:

Salman Shah, editor of Kashmir First, the online weekly magazine of the privately owned news website The Kashmiriyat
Suhail Dar, a freelance journalist contributing to the privately own news website The Kashmiriyat and the privately owned Urdu-language newspaper Sach News
Mukhtar Zahoor, a freelance journalist contributing to the BBC
Majid Hyderi, a freelance journalist and commentator
Sajad Gul, a freelance journalist contributing to privately owned news websites The Kashmir Walla, Maktoob Media, and Mountain Ink

Authorities formally arrested Dar and Shah yesterday, and both remain detained at Anantnag district jail, according to news reports and family members of the two journalists, who spoke to CPJ via phone. Yesterday, a local magistrate ordered Shah and Dar to remain detained for two days, according to The Kashmir Walla.

“India needs to move quickly to improve its shameful record of harassing and detaining critical journalists in Jammu and Kashmir in a complete abandonment of India’s once-proud tradition of press freedom,” said Steven Butler, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator, in Washington, D.C. “Police must immediately release Salman Shah and Suhail Dar and allow journalists to do their jobs without fear of reprisal.”

On the evening of October 8, authorities summoned Dar to the Sadder police station in Kashmir’s Anantnag district for questioning before detaining him, according to news reports and Dar’s brother, Tariq Dar, who spoke to CPJ via phone. Tariq Dar told CPJ that the police had not informed the family of any reasons for his brother’s detention.

Separately, at approximately 7:00 p.m. on October 12, officers with the Sherbagh police station in Anantnag district detained Shah from his home in the Sheerpora area of Anantnag district for questioning, according to The Kashmir Walla and his brother Imran Shah, who spoke to CPJ via phone. Imran Shah said that his family had not been informed of any police investigation into Shah until his formal arrest yesterday.

Both journalists have been detained under two sections of the Code of Criminal Procedure that allow authorities to hold an individual in preventative custody on an executive magistrate’s order to prevent a “breach of peace,” and to prevent the commission of cognizable offenses, according to The Wire.

Tariq Dar and Imran Shah told CPJ that they have not received a copy of a police report detailing the accusations against Dar and Shah.

Masrat Mir, the station house officer of the Sadder police station, did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment on Dar’s ongoing detention sent via messaging app. Majid Nadeem, the station house officer of the Sherbagh police station, did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment on Shah’s ongoing detention sent via messaging app.

Shah was previously detained from April 5, 2020, to May 8, 2020, on accusations of violating a section of the Indian penal code pertaining to “statements conducing to public mischief,” according to The Kashmiriyat, citing Shah and his lawyer.

Separately, at approximately 12:30 a.m. on October 13, officers with the Ram Munshi Bagh police station detained Zahoor from his home in the Dalgate area of Srinagar and confiscated his camera and his sister’s phone, according to various news reports citing Zahoor and his family.

Zahoor told The Kashmir Walla that he was detained overnight and later questioned about his location on September 1, the same day that a 91-year-old Kashmiri separatist leader died in the city of Srinagar, leading authorities to shut down the internet in Kashmir valley and increase security patrolling in the area. Officers also questioned him about the photos on his phone before releasing him at 2:00 p.m. later that day, Zahoor told The Kashmir Walla.

Tauseef Meer, the station house officer of the Ram Munshi Bagh police station, told The Kashmir Walla that authorities were questioning Zahoor on the basis of an unnamed “suspicion.” Meer did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment on Zahoor’s detention and questioning sent via messaging app.

Separately, on October 13, the Special Operations Group, the anti-insurgency unit of the Jammu and Kashmir police, summoned Majid Hyderi for questioning at its headquarters in Srinagar, according to The Kashmir Walla and Hyderi, who spoke to CPJ via phone.

Upon arriving at the headquarters, Hydrei was asked to relinquish his phone, but refused to do so, and subsequently switched off his phone upon request, according to the journalist. Hyderi told CPJ that three men in civilian clothing questioned him about his source of income and choice of profession before demanding explanation for three of his Facebook posts. Officers specifically questioned Hyderi for approximately one hour about a post in which he criticized the police’s use of force against participants of Muharram processions earlier this year, he said.

After the questioning finished at around 1:00 p.m., Hyderi was kept in lockup until his release around 5:30 p.m., he said, adding that he was not allowed to offer two Muslim prayers during the questioning and during his detention.

Iftikhar Talib, the superintendent of the Special Operations Group, did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment on Hyderi’s questioning and detention sent via messaging app.

Separately, October 13, officers with the Hajin police station in Kashmir’s northern Bandipora district summoned Gul for questioning in relation to his news report in Mountain Ink and a video he posted on Twitter regarding a Kashmiri man who was killed in a police encounter on October 11, according to The Kashmir Walla and the journalist, who spoke to CPJ via phone. Gul told CPJ that he was questioned for approximately one hour about his journalistic activities.

Zahid Malik, senior superintendent of police of Bandipora district, did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment on Gul’s questioning sent via WhatsApp.

In February, Jammu and Kashmir police opened an investigation into Gul on accusations of taking part in an illegal demonstration against home demolitions, as CPJ documented. Gul told CPJ at the time that he denied participating in such a demonstration.

Dilbag Singh, the director general of the Jammu and Kashmir police, did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment on all five cases sent via messaging app.

The Adivasis and Dalit farmers of Odisha have been resisting bauxite mining at their sacred shrine of Mali Parbat for more than two decades. Spanning across 270 acres, the Mali Parbat mine is in Koraput district, in south Odisha.

The 2007 mining lease of Hindalco Industries expired after it operations were halted due to the tribe’s stiff resistance. In April, the company’s lease was extended by 50 years and it applied for fresh environmental clearance.

When the tribal activists protested the September 22 public hearing of the company, some of them received alleged death threats. Activist Sharanya Nayak, who participated in the hearing, told Newsclick that “325 objections had been raised against the EIA [environmental impact assessment] reports that gave the go-ahead to mining”.

Explaining how officials ensured that there was no opposition during the hearing, Nayak said, “The villagers of Doliamaba had geared were all set to participate in the hearing. There were more than 700 written physical objections against the proposed mining. However, the police, company officials and hired goons had blocked the three roads leading up to the venue. The officials started the meeting before the scheduled time of 11 am to ensure there was no opposition.”

Alleging that “company officials or people hired by them are threatening and singling out the activists who had opposed the public hearing and mining”, Nayak said, “One such activist, Abhi Sadepelli who is secretary of the Mali Parbat Surakhya Samiti, and his wife were threatened that they would be killed if he does not support mining in the region. The activists have registered police complaints against the ongoing death threats.”

When the lease was awarded to Hindalco in 2007, the EIA report mentioned that there was no water body in Mali Parbat.

According to The Hindu, Hindalco failed to mine bauxite till 2011and its environmental clearance expired. However, it started illegal mining in 2012-2014 without an environmental clearance, which was resisted by the tribe.

Locals allege that neither the company nor the state government have clearly explained the adverse impact mining to the villagers. The villagers contend that the EIA report, prepared by VIMTA Laboratory Private Limited of Hyderabad, disregarded the impact of mining on the water sources and subsequent effects on agriculture and horticulture.

The villagers said mining will affect more than 44 villages directly and 200 villages indirectly. While the EIA report shows that there are no water bodies, the villagers said that there are 32 perennial streams and four canals emerging from this hill. Nearly 2,500 families inhabiting 44 villages relying on this water for irrigation will be adversely affect as mining will impact the streams and soil moisture, they added. Other likely hazards are water and soil pollution due to dumping of oil, lubricants and other waste material by the company.

Besides, significant land degradation caused by mining has not been mentioned in the EIA report. Odisha is among the states with the highest soil erosion caused by mining and deforestation. Koraput already has other bauxite mines, including Deomali. Serious soil erosion and land degradation have adversely impacted the region.

Rajan, an anti-mining activist and supporter of Adivasi movements, said, “The Naveen Patnaik government is acting as a stooge for Hindalco and all the other extractive industries; it is against Adivasis and Dalit farmers. The leaders of the Mali Parbat Surakhya Samiti are being harassed and threatened for opposing the proposed Hindalco mining at Mali Parbat.”

Alleging that the public relations officer and the company’s staff are instigating fights at villages, Rajan told Newsclick, “The Koraput local administration and the police, who are hand in glove with the company, are trying to book villagers and tribal leaders who opposed mining under false charges.”

Besides the environmental concerns, the villagers have religious and cultural sentiments attached to the hill. There Adivasis have a place of worship in the Mali Parbat known as Pakuli Pahar Gumpha (sacred cave). The deity is worshiped by the natives of the surrounding villages of Aligon, Kachiguda, Daleiguda, Rajaniguda, Pakijhola and Mania. This old religious place will be destroyed if mining resumes. Attempts by Newsclick to contact Hindalco didn’t get any response.

On September 22, 2021, the public hearing commenced in the presence of Mr. Deben Kr Pradhan, ADM of Koraput and other officials at 9 AM, around two hours prior to the scheduled start at 11 AM. Angered by this breach of due procedure, residents of 44 villagers from four panchayats – Kanti, Sorisha Padar, Daleiguda and Pakujhola – who arrived for the hearing shouted slogans and demanded the hearing be cancelled. The authorities postponed the public hearing. On September 22, 2021, an FIR (91/2021) was registered in Semiliguda Police Station by Assistant Sub Inspector Padma Charana Nayak against the 36 Mali Parbat Surakhya Samiti activists, including the organisation’s president Mr. Bijaya Khila were named in the FIR. They were charged under Sections 147 (rioting), 148 (rioting with deadly weapon), 149 (unlawful assembly), 294 (obscene words in public place), 307 (murder), 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), 326 (causing grievous hurt), 332 (causing grievous hurt to a public servant), 379 (theft), 427 (mischief causing damage up to Rs 50), and 506 of the Indian Penal Code; Section 17 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act; Section 3 of the PDPP Act; and Sections 25, 27 of the Arms Act. On September 24, 2021, police arrested seven HRDs including Mr. G Hemant Kumar (42), Mr. Rabi Khora (43), Mr. Mahanta Khosla (35), Mr. Samba Pangi (45), Mr. Bhikari Guntha (43), Mr. Dambaru Guntha (38) and Mr. Ratan Kadia (28). On October 5, five more HRDS were arrested in connection with the incident, including Mr. Khila, ex-sarpanch Mr. Dasi Nandibali, Mr. Giridhar Khila, Mr. Gobardhan and Mr. Mangudu.

On October 1, at 8.30 PM, police arrested 16-year-old Mr. Bikram Khara – a student of class 9 whose father Mr. Dasa Khara is named in the FIR; although he was a minor and Section 10 of the Juvenile Justice Act mandates that an apprehended juvenile be placed under the charge of the special juvenile police unit and produced before the Board within 24 hours, these provisions were not extended to him. None of the arrested HRDs were shown any arrest memo, or allowed access to a lawyer, in flagrant violation of DK Basu guidelines. They were all produced in court and are currently lodged in jail. Whereas other HRDs named in the FIR fear being arrested in violation of due procedure and are extremely concerned about their physical safety.

About the Human Rights Defenders: Mr. Ba Singh Hassa is a resident of Dadgama village in Khunti block of Khunti district. An activist with Adivasi Adhikar Manch – a civil society group that protects the land, water and forest rights of indigenous groups, Mr. Hassa has organised and participated in numerous peaceful movements, demonstrations and meetings in Khunti and other places in the past decade, including in the Pathalgadi movement in 2018-19, and ongoing protests against the new farm laws. He is well-educated and offers advice and support to innocent villagers falsely accused of being Maoists.

Details of the incident: On July 14, 2021, Khunti Sub Divisional Officer (SDO) Mr. Sayyed Riyaj Ahemed issued a notice under Section 107 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (which allows an Executive Magistrate to show cause any person likely to disturb peace or disturb the public tranquillity). It mentioned the names of 25 people, including Mr. Ba Singh Hassa and his brothers/ cousins Mr. Bahadur Hassa, Mr. Kinu Hassa and Mr. Jugal Munda, who were likely to disturb peace and security in the area according to information with the SDO. All 25 persons were asked to report to the SDO court in Khunti on July 22, 2021 and show cause why they should not be asked to furnish a bond of Rs 50,000 and two supporting witnesses. Mr. Bahadur Hassa received a call from the Khunti Police Station on July 17, 2021, when he was informed about the notice. He collected the notice from the police station the next day, and reported to the SDO court with Mr. Ba Singh Hassa and other brothers/ cousins on July 22, 2021, and two more subsequent hearings. On September 24, 2021, the day of the fourth hearing, Mr. Ba Singh Hassa, Mr. Kinu Hassa, Mr. Jugal Munda and Mr. Bahadur Hassa reached the court at around 10 AM, whereas their turn came up at 2.30 PM. When they presented themselves before SDO Mr. Ahemed, he asked them not to leave the court premises without his permission. He then called someone from his phone and said that three absconding accused in the murder case (FIR no 88/2018) were sitting in front of him. At around 4.30 PM, Khunti PS Officer in Charge Mr. B Thakur reached the court in civil clothes with three other policemen in uniform. They arrested Mr. Ba Singh Hassa, Mr. Kinu Hassa and Mr. Jugal Munda from inside the court premises. The HRD and his relatives were not informed about why they were arrested, nor shown any arrest warrant or allowed access to a lawyer. All provisions of the DK Basu guidelines were violated. Mr. Hassa and others were taken to the Khunti Police Station in a police vehicle and detained there overnight. They were taken for medical examination at 2 PM, produced in court at around 4.30 PM on September 25, 2021, and remanded to Khunti jail. We firmly believe that the HRD and his relatives were ensnared by the SDO and arrested by police in a case that was over three years old in violation of due procedures. The SDO referred to them as absconding even though Mr. Ba Singh Hassa had communicated and met several police and government officials in his capacity as an activist and participated in many public programmes in Khunti and Ranchi in the intervening period. He was also detained and interrogated by police in Khunti in April 2019. Whereas, the notice against the HRD and his arrest coincided with his active involvement in peaceful meetings and protests against the new farm laws in Khunti. This indicates that the action against Mr. Hassa and others is an act of political vendetta, and aimed at muzzling the freedom of speech, expression and assembly, which are guaranteed under national and international legal frameworks.

After disappearing while covering a farmer protest in Lakhimpur Kheri, a reporter for Sadhna Prime News was found dead on October 4. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and its Indian affiliates, the Indian Journalists Union (IJU) and National Union of Journalists- India (NUJ-I) condemn the tragic incident and urge for a judicial inquiry into the case.

Local journalist Raman Kashyap’s body was found in a mortuary a day after his reported disappearance while covering the violent demonstrations in Lakhimpur Kheri, where local farmers and political supporters collided. Kashyap was among eight others allegedly killed in the demonstration involving hundreds of farmers.

The farmers gathered to protest the visit of Uttar Pradesh’s deputy chief minister, Keshav M to the village of the union minister of state for home affairs, Ajay Kumar Mishra, in Tikunia. The incident marks a lethal intensification of the unrest in India since the introduction of controversial agricultural laws.

There are conflicting accounts of the circumstances in which Kashyap died. The editor of the Sadhna Prime news channel, Brij Mohan Singh, alleged that while covering the protest Kashyap was ‘wounded by miscreants’. A complaint filed by Kashyap’s father, Ram Dulare Kashyap, claims that Kashyap was “shot at” for filming a VIP convoy that killed farmers.

Another journalist said that in addition to being shot in the hand, Kashyap was hit by a car that was allegedly carrying Mishra’s son, Ashsih Misra. Samyukta Kisan Morcha, a coalition of Indian farmers' unions protesting against the agricultural laws, also claimed that a vehicle carrying Ashish Misra ran over the protesting farmers, killing at least eight people. An FIR has been lodged against Ashish Mishra and 15 others for murder and inciting violence with Lakhimpur Kheri police.

The Indian journalist fraternity has strongly condemned the killing of the journalist. The Editors Guild of India called for a “court-led special investigation team” to investigate the case. The Lucknow Journalists’ Association wrote a letter to the Additional Chief Secretary seeking justice. Local journalists are demanding compensation and the immediate arrest of the accused in the case.

About the Human Rights Defenders: Mr. Gigraj Verma is a resident of the village Joharli in Sikar district of Rajasthan. He is a human rights defender and has worked with Dalit communities in the region for several years and has been active in getting legal help and representation for Dalit victims of atrocities. He has also worked with several organisations such as CORO India and Action Aid in programmes and projects aimed at empowering Dalit and marginalized communities. Background of the Incident: Mr. Verma helped victims of Dalit atrocities register cases against the perpetrators with relevant sections of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. In this year, for instance, he has helped with the registration of three such FIRs: No 375/2021 with the Neem Ka Thana police station, FIR 391/2021 with the Ajitgadh police station and FIR 228/2021 with the Neem Ka Thana police station. The persons against whom the FIRs were registered belong to the dominant caste group in the region. Details of the Incident: Around 8 PM on August 20, 2021, Mr. Verma was at his residence along with his family when a group of approximately 8-10 persons comprising members of the Gurjar caste surrounded his residence. They were armed with sticks, axes and other weapons and had arrived with the intent to kill the HRD. The crowd initially hurled casteist abused on the HRD and his family. Hearing the abuses, the HRD called the police station multiple times during this period. Inspector Mr. Kastoor Verma was present at the police station and attended the call. Despite informing him of the crowd outside his home and the gravity of the situation, no help was sent immediately. The HRD and his sisters went outside and saw the group, who were armed. The group then beat up the HRD and his sisters. They even snatched the HRD’s gold chain and took it away with them while leaving. They also threatened to kill the HRD, if he were to leave his home. Hearing the commotion, neighbours of the HRD came out of their homes, and the group left the HRD. The HRD and his family went back to their home. A larger group, of around 18-20 persons of the Gurjar caste, returned around 8.30 PM and tried to break the HRD’s door. The HRD and his family then shouted for help. Hearing their plea, residents of his village came to help. Seeing the villagers come out of their homes, the assailants stopped their attempt to break in but openly threatened the family with death if they left their home. Around 8.45 PM, the HRD called the Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) Mr. Girdhari Lal Sharma and the Superintendent of Police Mr. Kuwar Rastradeep. The police finally arrived after 10 PM. According to the HRD, the police even went to the homes of the persons whom he had identified but did not arrest them. The police returned. The HRD then went to the Neem Ka Thana police station along with others around 11.30 PM and stayed there. They found the Inspector Mr. Verma to be in an inebriated state and the HRD even posted about this on Twitter tagging the Sikar Police’s Twitter handle. The HRD’s complaint was filed at the Neem Ka Thana police station the same night, which was then registered as an FIR (No. 0411/2021) at 2.36 AM on August 21, 2021. In his statement, the HRD was able to identify 18 people in the group that attacked him and his family and stated there were 7-8 people he did not know. The police applied sections 143 (unlawful assembly), 341 (wrongful restraint), 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), 379 (theft), 504 (intentional insult to prove breach of peace) of the Indian Penal Code and sections of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989: Section 3(1)(r) – Intentionally insults or humiliates in any place within public view, Section 3(1)(s) – Deliberately insults or humiliates by caste name in public view and Section 3(2)(va). No arrests have made in the case yet. On August 21, 2021, an FIR was registered (FIR No. 0375/2021) against the HRD and two others (Vinod Saini and Sarjeet Mahrania) by the police at the Neem Ka Thana police station. The FIR has been registered by Mukesh Kumar, a constable at the police station. The HRD and others were charged under sections 143 (unlawful assembly), 332 (voluntarily causing hurt to a public servant), 353 (assaults or use of criminal force on a public servant), 342 (wrongfully confining a person), 341 (wrongful restraint), 188 (disobedience to order by public servant), 269 (Negligent act known to be likely to spread infection of any disease dangerous to life), 270 (malignant act which may spread disease), 186 (obstructing public servant), 189 (threat of injury to public servant). The FIR states that the HRD along with 50-60 people sat outside the police station and blocked the gate stating that they would not leave the premises until the perpetrators were arrested and they resorted to crowding, pushing, and shoving as well as told the police officials that they would not be allowed to leave until the perpetrators were arrested. The HRD and along with others were protesting outside the police station due to the inaction of the police in registering a complaint and arresting the members identified by Mr. Verma in the group that assaulted him and his family. The FIR registered by the police states that the HRD and others started their protest started at 10 AM on August 21, 2021. Police officials had nearly eight hours to initiate immediate action against members of the group, which prompted a protest from the HRD and others. The HRD and the others were only demanding that the police take swift action against the crime. The quantum of punishment that the sections in the FIR against the HRD is as much if not more than the punishment laid down in the sections that the perpetrators of the caste atrocity have been charged with.

On September 7, the Uttar Pradesh police filed an FIR against journalist Rana Ayyub at the Indirapuram police station. It was based on a complaint by Vikas Sankrityayan, co-founder of Hindu IT Cell, a Hindu supremacist group with a talent for targeted harassment.

Sankrityayan accused Ayyub of “illegally acquiring money from the general public in the name of charity” on Ketto, a crowdfunding website. He added that the Washington Post opinion writer violated the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, 2010, or FCRA, because she was a “journalist by profession” and was “receiving foreign money without any approval certificate or registration from the government”.

Ayyub was booked under four sections of the Indian Penal Code dealing with dishonest misappropriation of property, criminal breach of trust and cheating. She was also booked under section 66D of the IT Act, which criminalises cheating by personation, section 4 of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act, 2002.

The journalist has raised money for three relief campaigns on Ketto since early 2020 for those affected by Covid, floods and the migrant crisis caused by last year’s lockdown. In an email on August 27, 2021, Ketto told donors of Ayyub’s campaigns that she had raised Rs 2.69 crore, of which she spent Rs 1.25 crore and would pay Rs 90 lakh in taxes.

“The balance funds, after these debts, are still retained by the campaigner,” the platform said, adding that the collection was being investigated by “Indian law enforcement” agencies which suspected that the funds "were not utilised for the purpose for which they were raised”.

Ketto did not disclose if the law enforcement agencies had given the platform any evidence to support the allegations. A questionnaire sent to Varun Sheth, the founder and CEO of Ketto, did not elicit a response.

This is not the first FIR filed against Ayyub this year. In June, the Ghaziabad police booked her for tweeting out a Muslim man’s allegations of assault by a Hindu mob. She had moved the Bombay High Court and obtained protection from arrest for four weeks.

In a Twitter statement on Sunday, Ayyub called the latest FIR “baseless” and “malicious” and maintained that the “entire donation received through Ketto is accounted for and not a single paisa has been misused”.

She implied that the money from the fundraisers had gone into her personal account. “The receipt of donations did not violate any law,” the journalist added. “My accounts and the donations have both been scrutinised by the IT department, and a fair investigation will bring out the truth for all.”

Locus standi?

In his complaint to the Ghaziabad police, Sankrityayan didn’t claim to be an aggrieved party, that is, he did not say he had donated money to Ayyub’s fundraisers and, so, had stakes in the alleged FCRA violation.

We contacted Sankrityayan for clarification, but he wouldn’t comment. “Newslaundry is a biased, anti-Hindu news portal,” he declared. “I’m not going to talk to you.”

He, however, told the Print that he had found “proof” for his police complaint.

We put the same question to Abhay Kumar Mishra, the circle officer at the Indirapuram police station. “You should pose this query to the complainant,” he replied. “I can’t comment on whether he is an affected party. We are investigating the case.”

‘There are two violations’

According to lawyer Vikas Pahwa, Ayyub’s fundraisers violated the FCRA on two counts. “First, she did not have a registration certificate from the government,” Pahwa said. “And she seems to have accepted the funds in her personal account.”

Section 11 of the FCRA states that no person can accept foreign contributions unless they “obtain a certificate of registration or prior permission of the central government”.

Pooja Madhan, a chartered accountant at the Delhi firm Pooja Jagdish and Associates, told Newslaundry that FCRA applies to individuals . “As per section 2(1)(m) of the FCRA, “person” includes “an individual”, so the provisions of the FCRA also apply to an individual”, she said, adding that Ayyub was not eligible to receive foreign contributions if she wasn’t registered under the FCRA.

In her statement, Ayyub did not state whether she had prior permission to accept funds from foreign donors, or whether she was registered under the law. Newslaundry reached out to Ayyub as well as her lawyer Vrinda Grover for comment. Ayyub did not respond, and Grover declined to comment.

The FCRA, Pahwa said, was designed to give the government control over foreign contributions. “It crystallises a couple of things,” the lawyer explained, “that if you receive a foreign contribution you have to put it in a special account that the state can monitor. You can’t put it in your personal account. You also cannot transfer that contribution to anyone else.”

On the other point of the controversy – of funds remaining unused in the journalist’s account – Pahwa said the FCRA was silent. “If a person accepts foreign contributions for a particular purpose and a part of it is achieved, it does not mean that the person is under an obligation to return the contribution,” he noted. “He or she can still continue to work on the same lines, especially if the objective is public service.”

As for likely punishment for a violation, section 35 of the FCRA prescribes an “imprisonment for a term which may extend to five years, or with fine, or with both”. “‘Or’ is an important word here,” Pahwa explained. “It is not an ‘and’. The court will not necessarily imprison a violator. It has the option of only imposing a fine.”

‘Enough to initiate proceedings’

Anshu Bhanot, a commercial litigator, told Newslaundry that the way Ayyub raised the money would enable the Indian law enforcement agencies to initiate legal proceedings against her. “The moment money from foreign donors comes into a personal account, only the account holder has control over it,” Bhanot explained. “Ayyub will have to explain what she did with the money. Whether the agencies are able to establish an FCRA violation would depend on the material presented in court.”

The onus to prove the money wasn’t misused, however, would be on Ayyub. “That is the sad part in the judicial system,” he said. “In criminal law the onus is on the prosecution. But the moment a proceeding is initiated, this becomes a theoretical aspect. Even if the case is ultimately quashed, there are no repercussions for bodies like the Enforcement Directorate, the Crime Branch, and there are few precedents for it.”

Sarwar Raza, an advocate who specialises in taxation law and FCRA, said Ayyub could not be charged with violating the law if the donors were Indian citizens living abroad. It would count as a violation only if they were foreign citizens.

“If she accepted the money in personal capacity and was not associated with an NGO with an FCRA licence or did not have prior permission from the government, then there is probably some kind of violation,” he said. “It would help her case if she doesn’t utilise a single rupee from the collections anymore. It would be seen as a bonafide step.”

‘FCRA violations are compoundable’

In May this year, Ayyub announced on Ketto that she had tried to tie up with an Indian NGO that had FCRA permissions. “But owing to restrictions on physical movement during the pandemic and the lockdowns,” she wrote, “we have not been able to find a suitable donor to trust to channelize the benevolence.”

She also declared that her team would be returning the money from foreign donors because of the “hit jobs by propaganda websites targeting our relief work”. “To make sure we do not cause inconvenience to the donors and us,” she added, “I have decided to refund all contributions from foreign donors back to those who donated.”

Raza said Ayyub’s pledge to return money to foreign donors was a sensible decision. “FCRA violations are compoundable,” he explained. “If she has violated any provision, the fact that she claims to have returned the money makes a case for compounding the matter. If your action has violated a law and you undo the act, it can be condoned if you pay a penalty. But the discretion will rest with the government.”

For Bhanot, returning funds to foreign donors would not absolve Ayyub of alleged wrongdoing. “It could be a tricky stand as the courts might interpret this as an admission of guilt or a desperate measure to wriggle out from the criminal liability.”

Anand Mangnale, the former director of Our Democracy, an online crowdfunding platform, said if Ayyub transferred the collections to her own account, she would have to pay taxes. “Even if you’re a journalist, if you pay taxes on the money you raised and explain how you spent it, then it is not a violation of FCRA,” Mangnale said. “The email Ketto sent to her donors, however, claimed she had unspent money in her bank account – and that is a triggering point.”

In her statement, Ayyub said she had paid a “heavy amount of tax on the donations”, directed by the Central Board of Direct Taxes, or CBDT.

Madhan, however, told Newslaundry paying tax on the money would not make a difference. “Since FCRA and Income Tax Act are different laws, paying income tax on foreign contributions will not suo moto lead to complying with FCRA provisions,” she said.

‘Ignorance of law’

According to Raza, FCRA violations were commonplace and often went unnoticed. “But with big amounts or big names, like Rana Ayyub, they won’t,” he said.

Section 3 of the FCRA specifically bars “correspondents”, “columnists”, “editors” of registered newspapers from accepting any foreign contribution. This also applies to “correspondents”, “columnists” and “editors” of a company “engaged in the production or broadcast of audio news or audio visual news or current affairs programmes through any electronic mode, or any other electronic form” as defined in the IT Act, 2000 or “any other mode of mass communication”.

Though this seemingly covers Ayyub, Raza said the journalist could still defend herself by arguing that she didn’t raise the money for any “journalistic activity”.

Raza pointed out that Vikas Sankrityayan, the complainant, wasn’t a donor in Ayyub’s campaign and so did not have a locus standi. “Ideally, it should have been the ministry of home affairs that initiated the proceeding, not an individual with no stakes in the matter,” the advocate said. “This can be an argument in court.”

But Bhanot disagreed. “Anybody can lodge a complaint and highlight an alleged wrongdoing,” he said. “The complainant in such matters would be more of an informant of the alleged offence, and not a complainant who would be allowed to intervene in the trial. In such FIRs, the state steps into the shoes of the complainant and takes over as prosecution.”

Pahwa, on the other hand, argued that Ayyub could defend herself on two counts. “One is the ignorance of law – a plea people make in such cases,” he said. “Rana Ayyub is a renowned journalist, so I don’t know if that plea would work for her. But she can also claim that she raised the money during Covid, when many were suffering and needed help. In those circumstances, she was out to provide aid rather than thinking about compliance with law.”

The Enforcement Directorate Thursday conducted searches at offices and residential premises associated with social activist Harsh Mander, in connection with a case of alleged money laundering.

The ED’s case is based on another case registered by Delhi Police’s Economic Offences Wing against the Centre for Equity Studies (CES), where Mander is a director.

An ED official confirmed the agency was conducting searches at premises associated with Mander, but did not give details of the probe against him. The searches, sources said, were conducted at Adchini, Mehrauli and Vasant Kunj in South Delhi.

“Searches are going on. Our case is based on the Delhi Police FIR in the matter,” an ED official said.

Mander had left for Germany around 3.30 am on Thursday on a fellowship at the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin. The board of the CES, in a statement, said they were committed to cooperating with the ongoing searches, and would provide all necessary information to the ED.

Delhi Police had registered two cases against CES — one under the Juvenile Justice (JJ) Act and another over alleged financial irregularities — following a raid conducted by the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) last October at two children’s homes run by the centre. NCPCR had alleged various irregularities, including financial, in the running of the two homes at the time.

In July this year, in response to a petition in the Delhi High Court by CES, the NCPCR had said it had recommended action against the two children’s homes linked to Mander only after finding various violations and discrepancies on the part of the management. Among the alleged violations, NCPCR mentioned that it had been informed by the children that they were taken to protest sites, including Jantar Mantar.

“During the inspection, prima facie many violations of Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015, and its Model Rules, 2016, and various other irregularities came to the notice of NCPCR, including financial irregularities as the institution was reluctant in disclosing their sources of funding and other relevant document to the inspection team,” NCPCR said in the reply.

With regard to the boys’ home, the NCPCR told the court that an employee had “informed” it about cases of child sexual abuse being reported there, and inaction by the management.

“The Commission observed this to be a gross violation of the provisions of the POCSO Act, 2012, and had immediately reported this to Delhi Police for further investigation as well,” it said.

In a statement, the CES board said the ED search was “a continuation of harassment and coercion of CES and Harsh Mander for being an outspoken and passionate defender of human rights”.

It said, “As you are aware, the Enforcement Directorate has been conducting raids at the office of the Centre for Equity Studies (CES), Umeed Ghar (Children’s Home), and Harsh Mander’s residence from 9.30 am… Over the last several months, the organisation has been subjected to raids, investigations, and inquiries by different government agencies including Delhi Police, and NCPCR. CES has cooperated with every government agency by providing all organisational details requested…including balance sheets and other financial and programmatic documents…

“It is deeply distressing for the entire team of CES and this continued harassment has created hurdles in the path of our organisational vision of working for the poorest of the poor and most marginalised sections of society.”

On Thursday morning, employees who reached the CES office in Adchini after the searches started, were not allowed inside. They said most of their work involved research pertaining to human rights.

A statement signed by 565 signatories, including several activists and public intellectuals, condemned the ED action and said the searches were part of a “continuing chain of abuse of state institutions” to silence its critics.

The signatories include Congress MP Shashi Tharoor, former Planning Commission member Syeda Hameed, economist Jean Dreze, senior advocate Indira Jaising, DU professor Apoorvanand, women’s activists Kavita Krishnan and Annie Raja, social and environmental activist Medha Patkar, and former IPS officer Julio Ribeiro.

The home ministry has suspended the foreign funding licence of a prominent Kerala-based NGO linked to influential Sunni leader from the state, Sheikh Aboobacker Ahmed, after detecting violation of provisions of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, 2010 (FCRA). The suspension of FCRA registration bars Markazul Ighasathil Kairiyathil Hindiyya – the top foreign-funded entity in Kozhikode, with over Rs 146-crore receipts from abroad in the last three years – from receiving funding from international donors without prior permission or till revocation of the suspension order. The association, funded mostly by charities based in the Gulf, can make a representation against the suspension order, following which the home ministry may either review the suspension or go ahead with permanent cancellation of its FCRA registration after a 180-day period, extendable by another 180 days. The prime violations cited by MHA in its suspension order issued on August 27, 2021 include misutilisation and diversion of foreign contributions by Markazul, which also operates under the brand ‘Relief and Charitable Foundation of India (RCFI)’; misrepresentation of facts; and failure to submit annual FCRA returns for the year 2019-20. A senior functionary of the NGO confirmed to TOI that the association had received the suspension order. “Some clerical errors are cited as reasons for suspension. We will clarify everything after a careful reading of the order,” he said. The suspension of Markazul’s FCRA licence followed a due inquiry process, with an MHA questionnaire sent to it on 05.04.2018. A government official told TOI that the reply to the questionnaire revealed that the association had violated Section 12(4)(a)(vi), Section 18 and Section 19 of the FCRA. According to sources, a foreign contribution amount of Rs 50 lakh withdrawn by the NGO for purchase of land was received back on 13.01.2015 upon cancellation of the land deal. This amount was however not deposited in the foreign contribution-designated bank account, but retained in cash in the NGO’s office. Markazul claimed Rs 50-lakh cash was distributed for its orphan care programme. However enquiry and NGO’s records showed that Rs 50 lakh cash was distributed between July 2014 and December 2014, before the amount was received back on 13.01.2015. “Hence the amount of Rs 50 lakh received on account of cancelled land deed is not accounted for and appears to have been diverted/misutilized,” the order said adding this was a violation of Section 12(4)(a)(vi), 18 and 19 of the FCRA, 2010. The order also points to purchase of a vehicle in name of an individual and not the association, citing it as another violation of Section 12(4)(a)(vi) of FCRA. It further stated that the NGO had utilised foreign funds for construction of a building on land taken on lease by Islamic Education Board of India from Waqf Board of India. The MHA cited utilisation of foreign contribution for creation of assets on land on which the association has no claim, as a “violation of Section 12(4)(a)(vi) of the Act”. Markazul also failed to file its annual returns for the year 2019-20, a violation of Section 18 of FCRA. A Markazul official told TOI that the “online window” for filing annual returns was closed just before they could upload the returns. Markazul was founded in 2000 as a vision of Kanthapuram A P Aboobacker Musliyar, a popular figure with politicians in Kerala and referred to as ‘Grand Mufti of India’ by supporters. The organisation, which has Aboobacker's son Muhammed Abdul Hakkim as its general secretary, works in fields like education, cultural restoration, disaster management, health and sanitation, etc. It claims presence in 24 states and runs 233 schools.

About the Human Rights Defender: Mr. Nitesh Alawa works as a patwari (revenue officer) in the village of Badi Khattal in Jobat tehsil of Alirajpur district in Madhya Pradesh. Mr. Alawa has been active in the advocating for the rights of Adivasis in the region and has in the past raised his voice against atrocities committed against the Adivasi communities. Mr. Alawa is the district president, Alirajpur of the Madhya Pradesh Patwari Union, the Media In-charge of Tribal Employees-Officers Organization and is the district vice president of the Sched- uled Caste-Scheduled Tribe Officer Employee Organization.

Background of the Incident: On May 13, 2021, five members of an Adivasi family, including three minors were murdered in Nemawar village in Madhya Pradesh by members of the dominant caste community. Their bodies were buried on the farm of one of the accused and were discovered on June 29, 2021, 48 days after the crime. The incident triggered several large protests in the region by organisations against the lackadaisical attitude of the police and the administration in investigating the murders.

Details of the Incident: On July 4, 2021, and July 11, 2021, Mr. Alawa attended peaceful citizen protests in Nemawar and Manpur respectively. Both were Sundays. The third protest in Kasarvad was held on July 14, a Wednesday. Mr. Alawa was present as a promoter of Adivasi rights at the protests and expressed peaceful dissent against the administration’s han- dling of the case. On July 15, 2021, Mr. Alawa received an order suspending him from his work under Rule 3(1), 5 (1), 6(1) of the Madhya Pradesh Civil Services (Conduct) Rules, 1965 and Rule 9 of the M.P. Civil Services (Classification, Control and Appeal) Rules, 1966, which authorizes suspensions pending disciplinary actions.

The order stated that it had come to the administration’s notice that he had made incendiary and inflammatory speeches at Adivasi meetings held in the village of Nemawar in Devas district, village Manpur in Indore district and village Kasarvad in Khargone district. The order stated that the speeches made by Mr. Alawa featured in videos that went ‘viral’ on social media.

After a court battle, the workers were getting salaries even after the mill shut down. But on June 29, the company put up an order stating all the workers will have to take VRS and put a deadline of July 13.

The Dadar police Friday detained several unemployed mill workers of Century Yarn & Denim Mills in Madhya Pradesh along with social activist Medha Patkar, while they were protesting against the company at its headquarters in Worli.

The protestors were let off at night.

Over 50 people, including unemployed workers, had come from MP to take part in the protest.

“After a court battle, the workers were getting salaries even after the mill shut down. But on June 29, the company put up an order stating all the workers will have to take VRS and put a deadline of July 13. We want the company to give workers back their employment by reopening the mill,” Jagdish Khairaliya of Shramik Janta Sangh said.

Around 200 policemen from four different districts - Khargone, Khandwa, Burhanpur and Dhar - assembled at the protest site outside the factory premises. The SDM in-charge stated that Section 144 of the CrPC was in force in the area and the protestors had to leave and vacate the protest site immediately. The workers refused to leave the area. Then the police manhandled and roughed up workers, physically picking up each worker and pushing them into vehicles brought by them. When the police ran out of vehicles, private buses were organised to put protestors inside. Nearly 600 protestors were picked and transported out of which around 200 were just left on the road. Many women HRDs were injured, and one was even admitted by the police to the hospital where she was kept in the intensive care unit as she had fainted. The injuries were not only sustained during the police action but also due to the reckless driving of the drivers of the vehicles in which women were transported. In all 331 men were transported to ITI School in Kasrawad, where they were detained and let go at midnight. Around 70 women were transported to Saski Mahavidyalaya, where they were detained till 10 p.m.

The protest site and tents where workers had been camping for years were demolished and their belongings confiscated. The protestors have still not got their belongings despite a detailed list having been sent by the protestors to the SDM. It is crucial to note that the police personnel present at the protest site did not have name tags or badges on while acting against peaceful protestors. The protestors have not been provided a copy of the FIR, however they have learnt Section 151 of the Indian Penal Code has been invoked, carries a sentence for punishment of up to six months imprisonment, if five or more persons knowingly join or continue any assembly likely to cause a disturbance of the public peace, after such assembly has been lawfully commanded to disperse.

Two Right to Information (RTI) activists have been killed in separate incidents within a week in Karnataka.

While T Shridhar (40) was attacked with iron rods and bricks by a group of assailants on Thursday, July 15, in Harapanahalli town in Vijayanagara district, Venkatesh S (43), a resident of Tavarekere, was attacked on the same day in Bengaluru. Shridhar was rushed to the hospital, however, he succumbed to his injuries on on Thursday. Whereas, Venkatesh passed away on Sunday.

Venkatesh was brutally attacked by unknown assailants in Magadi Road of Southwest Bengaluru. According to police, five armed, motorcycle-borne assailants attacked the activist near his farmland and fled.

While the investigation into the case is ongoing, a senior police officer from Tavarekere police station told indianexpress.com, that by preliminary investigation, it looks like “a revenge attack”.

A group of 5 men came in 3 scooters and kept honking near his farm land at Tavarakere where Mr. Venkatesh had his office. When he came out to see the people who were honking, they got down from the scooters, attacked him and chopped his right hand and right leg. While Mr. Venkatesh was shouting in pain, passer-by from the neighbouring Ashram and his brother heard his cries. The assaulters then ran away.

His brother and others called an ambulance and rushed him to hospital. Doctors operated Venkatesh, and he was declared to be out of danger. On July 15, 2021, the police registered a FIR 233/2021, U/s- 307 and 34 against unknown people. In the statement given to the police, Mr. Venkatesh stated that this attack was due to the RTI application filed by him against the following land surveys i.e. Yelachaguppe survey No. 116 land encroachment, survey no. 60, Tavaraekere, Yelachaguppe survey No. 18/1, Yelachaguppe Rampura survey No. 04, Tavaraekere Gangammana lake, survey no. 60 Yelachaguppe. These RTIs related to developmental activities in the locality. His family also corroborated the same.

On July 18, 2021, Mr. Venkatesh was taken to Hosmat Hospital, Bengaluru where he underwent extensive surgery to reattach his right arm and leg. He was later admitted to the Bangalore Sagar Hospital. However, he died on Sunday, July 18, 2021. After his death the Article 302 IPC was added and 9 people were arrested. On July 19, 2021, the Bangalore police said in its press statement that it could be a revenge attack but didn’t mention it was because of his RTI activism.

T Shridhar (40) was attacked with iron rods and bricks by a group of assailants on Thursday, July 15, in Harapanahalli town in Vijayanagara district.

Speaking to indianexpress.com, Murthi Rao, Deputy Superintendent of Harapanahalli town police, said, “Shridhar was allegedly attacked by four unidentified persons, armed with lethal weapons, when he was having tea on the backside of a canteen in a college compound in Harapanahalli Thursday night.”

“The investigation is based on a complaint registered by the victim’s wife. An FIR has been registered under Section 302 (murder) and other sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC),” he said. Rao added that Shridhar’s wife, Sheela, has alleged that he was killed because he used to file RTIs, which did not go down well with some people.

The complaint filed by Shridhar’s wife mentions the name of Congress MLA P T Parameshar Naik’s son Bharath. Bharath had posed a death threat to her husband, Sheela has stated.

The Harapanahalli police have arrested four to five suspects in the case, whose identities are yet to be revealed as the investigation is ongoing.

On July 13, 2021. Mr. T. Shridhar called his wife Shilpa and informed her that he feels his life is under threat as he has filed a case against Mr. Bharath, the son of a politician Mr. PT Parameshwara Naik and HK Halees, also a relative of a powerful politician, for land encroachment.

An FIR No. 0108/2021 was filed under IPC U/s – 34, 302 (Murder) at the Harapanahalli Police station and 5 people along with Vagish were arrested for murder. However, no action has been taken against the people against whom, associated with powerful politicians, Mr. Shridhar expressed feared for his life. He had already expressed this fear of his life being at stake due to RTIs filed by him against relatives of powerful politicians.

Police in Indian-administered Kashmir have opened a case against the family members of late resistance leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani under a harsh anti-terror law for allegedly raising anti-India slogans and wrapping his body in the Pakistani flag, officials say.

Geelani, who died on Wednesday at the age of 91, was the emblem of Kashmir’s defiance against New Delhi and had been under house arrest for years. The officials said they opened the case on Sunday.

His son, Naseem, told Al Jazeera the Indian authorities buried Geelani’s body in a local cemetery without any family members present after police snatched his body from the home. Police denied that and called it “baseless rumours” by “some vested interests”.

A video widely shared on social media purportedly showed Geelani’s relatives, mostly women, frantically trying to prevent armed police from forcing their way into the room where his body, wrapped in a Pakistani flag, was being kept.

The video showed women wailing and screaming as police took the body and locked his family and relatives inside the room.

Police said they registered a case against unspecified family members and some others on Saturday and began probing the case under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act or UAPA. They have not yet been taken into custody.

In India, booking of a case by the police may not necessarily lead to a formal charge but is an incident that is officially recorded.

Critics say bookings under the vaguely worded UAPA legislation have been used across the country to intimidate or silence opposing voices, calling the law draconian.

The anti-terror law was amended in 2019 to allow the government to designate an individual as a terrorist. Police can detain a person for six months without producing any evidence, and the accused can subsequently be imprisoned for up to seven years.

Geelani’s son Naseem on Sunday said a police officer visited the family on Saturday and informed them a case had been registered. Naseem did not provide further details about the meeting but said there were scuffles as the police removed his father’s body.

“Amid the chaos, we didn’t really know what was happening. We were mourning,” said Naseem.

Kashmir has long been a flashpoint between India and Pakistan, which administer parts of the Himalayan region while claiming it entirely.

Geelani spearheaded Indian-administered Kashmir’s movement for the right to self-determination and was a staunch proponent of merging India’s only Muslim-majority region with Pakistan.

For many in Kashmir and beyond, he was an enduring icon of defiance against India.

In a tweet on Sunday, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Imran Khan slammed India’s removal and hasty burial of Geelani’s body as well as the case against the family, calling it “shameful”.

“Snatching the body of the 92 year old Syed Ali Geelani, one of the most respected & principled Kashmiri ldrs (sic), & then registering cases against his family is just another shameful example of India’s descent into fascism under the Nazi-inspired RSS-BJP govt,” Khan posted, referring to India’s governing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its far-right ideological mentor, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

India describes the armed rebellion as Islamabad’s proxy war and state-sponsored terrorism. Most Muslim Kashmiris consider it a legitimate freedom struggle and support the rebel goal that the territory be united, either under Pakistani rule or as an independent country.

Rebels have been fighting against Indian rule since 1989. The region is one of the most heavily militarised in the world. Tens of thousands of civilians, rebels and government forces have been killed in the raging conflict.

Tensions flared in the region in 2019 after New Delhi stripped Kashmir’s semi-autonomy, scrapped its statehood and removed inherited protections on land and jobs.

Authorities have since brought a slew of new laws, which critics and many Kashmiris fear could change the region’s demographics.

Meanwhile, on Sunday, authorities eased some restrictions that had been imposed since Geelani’s death, allowing private vehicles on roads and vendors to operate in some parts of Srinagar.

However, most shops and businesses stayed closed as government forces patrolled roads and streets in the city.

Mobile phones were restored late on Friday but mobile internet and restrictions on the assembly of people continued in many parts of the Kashmir valley.

Paramilitary soldiers remained stationed outside the graveyard where Geelani was buried.

Ruwa Shah, Geelani’s granddaughter, wrote on Twitter they were horrified by “what followed after our old man passed away.”

His “home was a jail for over a decade and now his graveyard is a jail too,” she wrote.

Four Kashmir-based journalists, including a senior editor, were raided on Wednesday and later detained at a police station in Srinagar in an Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act case that was filed by Jammu and Kashmir Police last year.

Rights activists see the detentions as part of a wider crackdown by the Narendra Modi government on the free media in Kashmir after Article 370 was read down in 2019 and the erstwhile state divided into two union territories.

At least four journalists have been booked under the anti-terror law since 2019 by the J&K Police, and several others in Kashmir claim to face obstruction and harassment by officials in their line of work.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF), an international non-profit based in Paris, condemned the latest detentions, saying that journalism was not a crime.

In a tweet, the RSF said it “condemns as crude intimidation this morning’s police raids at the residence of 4 journalists – @KashmirNarrator editor Showkat Matta, @trtworld & @HuffPost’s @mirhilaal, and freelancers @AzharQadri and Abbas Shah. #JournalismIsNotACrime.”

Officials said the residences of Motta, Hilal, Abbas and Azhar in Srinagar were raided simultaneously by teams of police and paramilitary forces on Wednesday. They have been asked to reappear for questioning on Thursday.

Motta is the editor of Kashmir Narrator magazine whose journalist, Aasif Sultan, has been jailed since 2018. Hilal is a freelancer who was previously working with Hindustan Times at its Delhi office. His work appears in Turkey-based TRT World and Anadolu agency.

Abbas is associated with a Srinagar-based daily and Qadri is a freelancer whose work has appeared in The Tribune and The Guardian. All four live in Srinagar and the raids took place simultaneously in the early morning hours.

“They seized a hard drive which contained my work, a desktop, hardcopies of the magazine’s archives and phones. I was later taken to the police station and set free in the evening,” Motta, 52, said, adding that he has been asked to return for questioning on Thursday.

Police claimed to have seized several documents and electronic devices belonging to the journalists and their spouses during the raids, which lasted for several hours. The journalists were detained for the whole day at Kothi Bagh police station.

“They showed me the warrant but they were very polite. At the police station, a cop noted my basic details and then asked to wait. No one spoke with me the whole day. I was not informed about the charges against me,” another detained journalist, who didn’t want to be named, told The Wire.

According to the police, the detentions were made in connection with a case filed last year against unknown persons at Srinagar’s Kothi Bagh police station (FIR No. 82/2020) under Section 13 of the UAPA and 506 IPC.

Section 13 of UAPA deals with suspects who “advocate, abet, advise or incite the commission of any unlawful activity” while 506 IPC is filed in the cases of “criminal intimidation”.

The case was filed against the unknown handlers of a blog (kashmirfight.wordpress.com) which has been issuing death threats against Kashmir-based journalists and political activists, accusing them of acting as the “collaborators” of New Delhi.

The names of senior editor Shujaat Bukhari and human rights lawyer Babar Qadri had also figured in the articles posted on the blog before their assassination in 2018 and 2020. The two killings were linked by investigators to Pakistan-based militant outfits.

“These posts uploaded on the said URL are prejudicial to the integrity, the sovereignty of country and maintenance of peace and tranquillity as the handler of the above-said URL is propagating secessionist and terror-related ideology with the intention to achieve the goal of separating UT of J&K from Union of India,” a police spokesperson said in a statement last year.

In May this year, the Kothi Bagh police station filed another case (FIR No. 41/2021) under similar sections of UAPA after another post on the blog issued threats to social activists, government officers, political leaders and journalists.

The J&K Police claimed to have made a breakthrough in the case in July by arresting Mohammad Akbar Sofi, a top officer in the Srinagar Municipal Corporation, his son Nazish Yasrab Rehman, daughter Tabish Akbar Rehman, fiancé of Sofi’s daughter Javed Khalid, and Rafiq Mukhdoomi, a law student in Srinagar.

The latest detentions in the case took place barely a day after the blog, which has been banned by the Government of India, issued fresh threats against the owners of four English newspapers and an Urdu daily published from Srinagar.

After the reading down of Article 370, local print media in Kashmir have stopped critical coverage of the government, fearing reprisal in the form of harassment, intimidation and curtailment of advertisements.

According to the RSF, which ranked India at 142 out of 180 countries in terms of media freedom, press freedom has significantly shrunk in the country following Modi’s re-election in 2019.

“India is one of the world’s most dangerous countries for journalists trying to do their job properly. They are exposed to every kind of attack, including police violence against reporters, ambushes by political activists, and reprisals instigated by criminal groups or corrupt local officials,” the RSF said in its latest report.

Since the last two years, the UN special rapporteur for protection of right to freedom of expression has written on at least three occasions to the Government of India over the reports of “arbitrary detentions and intimidation of journalists” in Kashmir .

In its latest communication sent to the Indian government on June 3 which was made public on August 25, the UN Rapporteur flagged the alleged incidents of harassment of Kashmir-based journalists Fahad Shah, Qazi Shibli, Sajad Gul and Auqib Javeed.

The letter also mentioned the closure of the office of the Kashmir Times newspaper.

“We express serious concern at the reported acts of harassment and seemingly arbitrary detention and criminal proceedings and detentions levied or imposed against the aforementioned journalists, which is reportedly related to their journalistic activities on the situation in Jammu and Kashmir,” the letter reads.

Senior BKU leader Gurnam Singh Chaduni said Sunday that a farmer who had been injured in the police lathicharge in Karnal on Saturday has died of a heart attack.

“Sushil Kajal, who owned one and a half acres of land, had been participating in the farmers’ agitation for the past nine months. He had suffered serious injuries in the police lathi charge at Karnal Toll Plaza yesterday and at night he succumbed to a heart attack… The farming community will always remember his sacrifice,” Chaduni said in a tweet on Sunday.

The Haryana Police had Saturday cracked down on farmers protesting in Karnal, leaving several injured in a lathi charge at the Bastara Toll Plaza on the national highway.

The farmers had been protesting against a BJP meeting chaired by Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar on the upcoming panchayat polls. Police detained several people using force to disperse a crowd that was blocking the highway in Karnal in the afternoon.

Condemning the police action, farm union leaders urged farmers across Haryana to protest on the roads. By evening, farmers blocked several stretches on the highway and toll plazas across the state, resulting in traffic snarls.

With farmers threatening to create more blockades in neighbouring states as well, vehicles were diverted via alternative routes. Later, however, the highways were reopened after police released the activists detained in Karnal.

Background of the Incident:

A lab technician named Uma Maheswar at Gandhi Hospital at Mahbubnagar Telangana, allegedly raped two sisters, aged 38 and 40, from Mahabubnagar district and confined one of them to a room for four days. The victims had accompanied the patient. While the patient was admitted to the hospital on August 5, 2021, and discharged on August 11, 2021, the two women who accompanied him went missing. After the patient was discharged, his son returned to the Gandhi Hospital in search of his mother and aunt (victims). On August 15, 2021, the son received communication that his aunt was found in a secluded place in the hospital premises in an unconscious state lying naked with visible abuse marks on her body. When she regained her consciousness, she shared her ordeal of sexual abuse and rape with her family members. The aunt told the family that while she was at the hospital, she lost her way and asked Uma Maheswar, a lab technician, for help. Taking advantage of this, he directed her into a room, where he drugged her and raped her repeatedly on multiple occasions and raped her elder sister who is still missing. On August 15, 2021, the victims approached the Mahabubnagar police station, but the police didn’t register the complaint because they said it was not within their jurisdiction. They were then to a different police station for registering the complaint and registered the complaint at Chilakaluguda police station.

Details of the Incident:

On August 17, 2021, an all-women activist’s fact-finding team with members belonging to various women rights organisations like All India Democratic Womens Association (AIDWA)- Ms. Mallu Lakshmi, WT-JAC V (Ms. V. Sandhya), POW, Ms. B. Jyoti (CMS), Ms. Krishnakumari (NFIW) and Ms. Vijaya Bhandaru (Progressive Writers Association) went to enquire about the report regarding the rape of two sisters at the Gandhi Hospital. However, they were not allowed inside the hospital and one of the HRDs on Facebook Live was stopped by the police. They were arbitrarily detained at the Lalguda Police station by the police which was already present there. Later in the evening they were released and were allowed to meet the hospital superintendent and were allowed to do the fact finding. We believe that this is an example of the misuse of power by police officials. Complete ignorance of law was displayed by the police officials in turning away the woman victim in registering the FIR from the Mahabubnagar police station. According to law, a Zero FIR can be filed in any police station regardless of the place of incident or jurisdiction. The provision of Zero FIR came up as recommendation in Justice Verma Committee Report in the new Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013. The concept of Zero FIR is a free jurisdiction FIR, brought up in order to avoid the delay in filing the crime and to avoid wastage of time that adversely impacts the victim. According to Clause (e) of Section 460 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC), if at the time of initiation of FIR, it looks evident that the crime was committed outside the jurisdiction of the concerned police station, then the police must be appropriately ordered to register a Zero FIR, and ensure that the FIR is transferred to the jurisdictional police station. If there is a failure in compiling with the instruction of FIR registration on acknowledgement of information about the offence, it will invite prosecution of the police officer under section 166A which provides a rigorous imprisonment of six months be extended to two years. This evasion of responsibility may invite the departmental action for the police officer. Furthermore, the detention and harassment of women activists who were undertaking a fact-finding was completely unwarranted. In violation of the DK Basu guidelines, the WHRDs were not given any reason for their detention, nor were they given any detention memo as per the guidelines.

Police in Indian occupied Kashmir (IoK) fired tear gas and warning shots on Tuesday to disperse members of the Shia Muslims community who attempted to participate in processions marking the month of Muharram. Dozens of people were detained.

Hundreds of Muslims chanting religious and pro-freedom slogans took to the streets in the main city of Srinagar despite security restrictions banning the traditional procession.

Government forces used batons to beat journalists covering the procession, according to a local reporter. Authorities erected steel barricades and barbed wire to block the crowds.

“We respect the religious sentiments and practices of all, but at the same time, it is also our joint responsibility to defeat the ill designs of vested interests who try to disturb the peaceful atmosphere,” Inspector General of Polce Vijay Kumar said on Twitter.

Muharram is among the holiest months for Shia Muslims across the world and includes large processions in which people recite elegies to mourn the death of Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) grandson. The mourning reaches its peak on Ashura, the 10th day of the month in the Islamic lunar calendar. Tuesday’s procession marked the eighth day on the calendar.

The traditional religious procession turned violent last year as Indian forces fired shotgun pellets to disperse crowds, injuring dozens.

Some main Muharram processions have been banned in Indian occupied Kashmir since 1989 when the locals demanded the region’s independence from India or its merger with Pakistan.

Kashmiri Muslims have long complained that the government is curbing their religious freedom on the pretext of maintaining law and order while promoting an annual Hindu pilgrimage to the Himalayan Amarnath Shrine in Kashmir that draws hundreds of thousands of visitors. The pilgrimage has been cancelled for the last two years because of the coronavirus.

A group of journalists were chased and assaulted with batons by police in full public glare to prevent them from covering the Muharram procession in the nerve centre of Srinagar on Tuesday.

The police action resulted in injuries and damage to equipment of journalists when they were merely doing their professional duties. Videos and photos splashed on social media platforms Facebook and Twitter showed policemen including their officer holding sticks chasing away and beating journalists on the road with utter disregard.

Some of the journalists who were present at the spot and received the thrashing told Kashmir Reader that the attack came when a police officer named ‘Aftab Ahmad’ abused and pushed some photojournalists who were capturing police lathi charge on Shia mourners. The mourners carrying black flags had taken out a procession in Lal Chowk to commemorate Muharram. Early in the morning, government forces including police and CRPF were deployed in strength in several Srinagar areas to prevent the mourners from taking out procession.

Amid this, many people carrying flags were able to reach Jehangir Chowk. A photojournalist Sajad Hameed who was at the spot covering the Muharram procession that he received a few baton thrashing on his legs and his camera was broken too. “It resulted in damage worth over Rs 20,000,” he added.

“Police officer Aftab Ahmad abused another journalist. We asked him not to do so. In response he attacked us, charged on us, in which many were minorly injured,” Sajad added.

According to him, the police officer Aftab Ahmad also pushed photo journalist of Hindustan Times Wasim Andrabi for nothing. He said the journalists were spread in groups capturing the procession from various angles when they were beaten.

“It was when another police officer joined in and asked them not to beat us that the beating stopped,” he added.

Andrabi told KNO that the policemen “from Shergarhi Police Station led by SHO Aftab Ahmad, beat them to the pulp for no reasons”. “We were even told that (an) FIR will be registered against us,” he added.

A video in social media showed that Aftab went berserk on a group of journalists on Tuesday morning.

“We were Covering the protest. When I saw a policeman attacking a fellow journalist l, I rushed to the spot to check what was happening. In between there was a lathi charge. We moved to a secure place, ” said photojournalist Faisal Khan.

“The cop did not listen to us for a moment and we found wisdom in escape” he added.

In the past police have said that police will act professionally while handling journalists on the ground and will make efforts to prevent the attacks.

Senior Superintendent of Police Srinagar Sandeep Choudhary was not available for the comments when reached by Kashmir Reader.

Chennakeshavalu, who was working with a local news channel, was reportedly stabbed by a police constable.

A journalist of a local news channel EV5 was done to death allegedly by a Two Town Police Constable and his brother in Nandyal town, Kurnool district late on Sunday night for allegedly exposing the illegal activities of the cop identified as Venkatasubbaiah.

Superintendent of Police, Sudheer Kumar Reddy, said that Venkatasubbaiah and Nani called the reporter Chennakeshavalu, 35, to a place in NGO Colony to discuss the news telecast by him regarding the alleged sale of gutkha and matka activities being carried on by the police constable. When Chennakeshavalu. arrived at the spot, the constable and his brother allegedly stabbed him to death with a screwdriver and fled the scene.

“The eyewitnesses immediately took him to the hospital at about 11 p.m., but he did not survive. We have formed teams to nab the accused brothers,” the SP added. The Two Town Circle Inspector said that the search was still on and cases under section 302 of IPC were registered against both of them. The Superintendent of Police reached Nandyal after midnight and is supervising the investigation into the case.

Meanwhile, the Andhra Pradesh Union of Working Journalists and the APWJ Federation have expressed dismay at the turn of events and have demanded immediate arrest of the constable and his brother.

At approximately 1:00 a.m. on August 5, police raided the home of Shibli, editor of the news website The Kashmiriyat, in Anantnag city in central Jammu and Kashmir, for approximately two hours while he was not there, according to Shibli, who spoke with CPJ via phone.

Shibli’s mother, two sisters, sister-in-law, two brothers, nephew, and niece were present during the raid at his home, according to Shibli, who said that police confiscated the adults’ phones and computers. Shibli said his own laptop and phone were with him at the time of the raid.

At approximately 1:30 a.m. the same day, Kashmir police also searched the homes of Shibli’s cousin and grandmother for roughly 20 and 30 minutes respectively, he said.

“The raids on the homes of Qazi Shibli and his family members add to the ongoing pattern of targeted harassment against journalists in Jammu and Kashmir, which must come to an end immediately,” said Steven Butler, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator. “Police should cease harassing Shibli and allow him and other members of the press in Jammu and Kashmir to report freely.”

Police broke the lock of Shibli’s home and forcibly entered the premises without demonstrating a warrant or providing a justification for the raid, according to Shibli. Police also broke several glasses, window panes, and a security camera outside Shibli’s home, and confiscated a CCTV intercom monitor, according to Shibli and photos of his home following the raid, which CPJ reviewed.

Police asked Shibli’s family members for his location, which they refused to provide, he said. Police also called Shibli’s mother and sister, who were at his home at the time of the raid, “prostitutes,” Shibli said.

Shibli said he did not know what, if any, of The Kashmiriyat’s reporting may have triggered the raids. Hours before the raids, The Kashmiriyat reposted a 2017 article on its Facebook page about Kashmiri militant Yawar Nisar, who was allegedly killed by Indian forces.

The Kashmiriyat covers general news about Kashmir, including politics and current affairs, according to CPJ’s review.

Kashmir Police Inspector-General Vijay Kumar did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment via email.

Authorities detained Shibli from July 2019 to April 2020 under the Public Safety Act without trial, according to CPJ research and news reports. In July 2020, Shibli was detained again for 18 days after he was summoned for questioning by the cybercrime division of the Jammu and Kashmir police, as CPJ documented and news reports said.

Day 2 of the demolition drive in Faridabad’s Khori village was marked by confrontation between residents and police, with nine people being taken into preventive custody for allegedly making “provocative speeches” during a protest Thursday.

According to police, the incident took place around 8.30 am. An FIR has been registered based on a complaint submitted by a police officer who was at the spot. “Around 100-125 men and women gathered there and started staging a demonstration and shouting slogans against the administration. Three-four men and four-five women also started provoking the crowd by making provocative speeches,” alleges the complainant.

The complaint said additional police force was called and those making “provocative” speeches were taken into custody. Speaking to The Indian Express, DCP (NIT) Anshu Singla said, “We took nine people into preventive custody from Khori village this morning.”

Residents in the village, however, alleged police lathi-charged them before the demolition began. In a statement, National Alliance of People’s Movements reiterated these allegations: “Today morning, on July 15, police resorted to violence against Khori residents who protested peacefully on the streets of Khori Gaon.”

In a video purportedly from Khori village that has been circulating online, a person in plainclothes can be seen slapping and pushing a man, believed to be a resident of the village, until the latter hits a brick wall and falls. The person can then be seen helping the man get up, joined by two other persons — one wearing riot gear — and leading him away from the spot.

DCP Singla said: “There is a video that is circulating but it is impossible to comment on the nature of the video, when it is, who are the people, whether it is doctored, not doctored. However, if we receive any formal complaint, we will certainly enquire into it and deal with the matter according to law.”

On allegations of lathicharge, Singla said: “The demolition took place peacefully to my knowledge, I don’t know what is being alleged but there was no lathi charge done by Faridabad Police.”

Commissioner of the Municipal Corporation of Faridabad, Garima Mittal, also said: “The demolition proceeded smoothly and peacefully today. There was no violence.”

The demolition comes after the Supreme Court on June 7 had directed the MCF to clear all encroachments on “subject forest land” in Khori village in six weeks. The civic body had finally started the work on Wednesday morning.

Although a rehabilitation policy was released by the MCF earlier this week for relocation of residents, wherein they will be allotted flats in Dabua Colony and Bapu Nagar, only those people are eligible for it who have an annual income up to Rs 3 lakh and meet one of three conditions – the name of the head of the family is on the voter list of the Badkhal assembly constituency as of January 1, 2021; the head of the family has an identity card issued by the Government of Haryana as of January 1, 2021; or any family member has an electricity connection issued by the Dakshin Haryana Bijli Vitaran Nigam (DHBVN).

“We have set up a camp near Khori village where residents can sign up for the rehabilitation scheme. However, it has only been a day, we are still waiting for applications,” said the MCF Commissioner.

Residents said the rehabilitation policy is unfair since it will not cover several people who have documentation from Delhi and not Haryana. Those eligible like Shipali Das (35), who works as a domestic help and is a single mother to a teenage daughter, are not aware of the policy at all.

“I have a Parivar Pehchan Patra from Haryana, but I have not heard of any rehabilitation scheme, nobody has told me anything about it,” said Das.

The demolition of her home, she said, will undo all the progress she has made since her husband abandoned the family several years ago: “I paid Rs 1 lakh just to purchase this land; I did the labour myself and built a house on it at a cost of Rs 2.5 lakh. Now all of that is going to be taken from me in a single day… I have nobody else to depend on… I do not know where we will go if our home is demolished. I am still hoping for a miracle.”

On July 15, police again repeatedly told Pal to stop filming at a protest site in the village, she told CPJ. A police officer attempted to block her camera as she filmed, as seen in a video she posted to Twitter that day.

Also that day, police forced Mohit Kumar, a Newsclick camera operator, to leave a crowd of protesters and move to another location, placed a baton between his feet to stop him from moving, and threatened him, saying, “we can do anything to you,” according to Kumar, who also spoke to CPJ. Police then told him to leave the area, and he complied, Kumar said.

Multiple police officers also threatened to break and confiscate Kumar’s camera and delete its footage on July 15, according to Pal and Kumar, who both said that they carried their press identification cards and repeatedly identified themselves as members of the press to police.

Also that day, two police officers armed with batons approached Hrishikesh Sharma, a reporter at the YouTube-based news channel Mojo Story, while he was filming a home that was about to be demolished, and threatened to break his phone if he did not stop filming and leave the area, he told CPJ. Sharma continued to discretely film in another area, he said.

Multiple police officers threatened to break the camera of Prabhat Kumar, a freelance journalist who filmed demolitions in the area, Kumar told CPJ, adding that an officer threatened to arrest him if he did not stop filming. Police also locked Kumar in a building after he had ascended to a terrace to film a protest, he said, adding that local residents opened the door and allowed him to leave about 15 minutes later.

On July 16, police officers armed with guns and batons threatened to arrest Naomi Barton, an audience editor with the news website The Wire who was reporting on the demolitions, if she did not stop filming at a demolition site, she told CPJ. Barton showed officers her press identification card but they insisted she leave the area, and she complied, she said.

Also that day, an unidentified individual in plain clothes approached Nikita Jain, a freelance journalist, and told her not to take pictures at a demolition site, and threatened to inform the police if she did not stop, she said.

A group of about 10 police officers surrounded Jain as she attempted to leave the village, and a senior officer told her that press coverage was prohibited in the area, she said. When Jain asked that officer to show her an official order prohibiting coverage, he refused and instructed Jain to show him her phone and delete its footage, she said, adding that she refused to comply.

That officer then instructed a group of female officers to escort Jain to another area, and told them to beat her if she resisted; the officers pushed Jain to another area, where a police officer threatened to break her phone and others ordered her to enter their car, she said. Jain told CPJ that she refused to comply and left the village on her own.

On 17 July Aakash Hassan, an independent journalist and human rights defender based in Indian administered Kashmir, was assaulted by Jammu and Kashmir Police in the Anantnag District. The defender was stopped by police while travelling home on Saturday evening, slapped and beaten with poles. The police deliberately targetted the defender while clearing routine traffic congestion, when they identified him through the press pass on his vehicle. Aakash Hassan is an independent journalist based in Srinagar in Indian administered Kashmir. He has contributed to reports in the Guardian, Al Jazeera, Intercept and other international publications. His reporting is focused on the impact of the conflict and militarisation on the lives of ordinary citizens in Kashmir, especially women. Recently he has written on increasing surveillance by State police and military on ordinary civilians, and human rights violations including torture by the Jammu and Kashmir police and military. Hassan has been targetted in the past, by local police, through summons and interrogation, based on his reporting on human rights issues. On 17 July at around 9 pm, Aakash Hassan was travelling home, when he was caught up in traffic congestion near Sangam Bridge in Anantnag town. He was driving slowly, when the police officer directing traffic, saw the press sticker on his vehicle, and shouted ‘press press’. Immediately at least two police officers surrounded his vehicle and reportedly beat him including with batons. Aakash Hassan told Front Line Defenders that one officer grabbed him by the collar and beat him on his face and tried to drag him out of the vehicle. The journalist was able to drive away from the scene and seek immediate medical treatment for his injuries. Images shared with Front Line Defenders and also on the journalist’s twitter handle show the defender with visible injuries to his face and hands. Hassan believes that he was targetted due to his identity as a journalist. In response to widespread condemnation of the attack, the district police in Anantnag stated that “Cognisance taken. Circumstances that led to this being looked into...”. A local superintendent had also contacted the journalist and informed him that action would be taken. Despite these assurances, at the time of this appeal, the journalist is not aware of any action taken against those responsible. The attack on Hassan, is emblematic of the violence and impunity for threats, harassment against human rights defenders in the region. Journalists and human rights defenders in Kasmir have been under severe pressure from State authorities especially the police and military, due to their human rights work. Documenting and reporting on violations from inside the region, has always carried significant risk. The dangers include false arrest, prosecution, and violence, increased since the unilateral abrogation of Statehood and lockdown imposed post 5 August 2019. Front Line Defenders has documented cases of journalists and human rights defenders targeted through legal and police action including preventive detention under the draconian National Security Act, which is applied in Kashmir. Surveillance of communications and movement, and intimidation is routine.

On June 30, officials from the national Income Tax Department visited the offices of Newsclick in New Delhi and questioned its editor-in-chief, Prabir Purkayastha, and another editor, Pranjal, who uses one name, for five hours each, according to a report by the local newspaper The Telegraph and an editor with the outlet, who spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity, citing fear of official reprisal.

The tax officials questioned both editors in relation to a money laundering investigation, according to those sources. Delhi police previously opened a separate money laundering investigation into the outlet in August 2020, according to a police document reviewed by CPJ, and the Finance Ministry’s Enforcement Directorate is pursuing a third investigation into the outlet, also for alleged money laundering, according to that editor and The Indian Express.

During questioning, both editors were given summons from the Economic Offenses Wing of the Delhi police, ordering Purkayastha to attend questioning tomorrow and Pranjal on July 9, the editor said, adding that both journalists plan to comply.

A second Newsclick editor, who also spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity due to fear of reprisal by authorities, said they believed that authorities had opened the investigations in retaliation for the outlet’s coverage of the nationwide farmers’ protests last year.

“The ongoing investigations into Newsclick and its editors by three government agencies are a blatant intimidation tactic aimed at chilling critical reporting,” said Steven Butler, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator. “Authorities should drop the investigations, cease their harassment of Newsclick and its employees, and allow them to report freely.”

On June 23, the Finance Ministry’s Enforcement Directorate announced that it would provide the defendants with the specific allegations against Purkayastha and PPK Newsclick Studio Private Limited, the website’s parent company, according to The Indian Express. The ministry had not provided that information as of today, the first editor told CPJ.

During the June 30 questioning, officials ordered Newsclick to submit a number of tax documents from the last four years by July 5, that editor told CPJ, adding that the outlet complied and sent some documents yesterday, and received permission from the Income Tax Department to send more by July 8.

Umakant Lakhera, president of the Press Club of India, told CPJ via messaging app that the organization supported Newsclick, which he said had “paid for its critical reporting” with the investigations.

PPK Newsclick Studio Private Limited, Purkayastha, and Pranjal have each filed requests to the Delhi High Court to drop the police investigation, the first editor told CPJ. Purkayastha and Pranjal have also filed for anticipatory bail and interim protection from police action, that editor said.

The Delhi High Court previously granted such protections to Newsclick’s parent company and Purkayastha in relation to the investigation by the Enforcement Directorate, according to The Indian Express, which said that the court yesterday extended those protections until July 29.

Previously, in February, the Enforcement Directorate raided Newsclick’s office in New Delhi, as well as the homes of Purkayastha, one other editor, and two members of its management, as CPJ documented at the time. Authorities seized the outlet’s equipment during those raids, including the communication devices of its directors and senior management, according to news reports.

In a statement issued in February, Newsclick’s editorial team wrote that the outlet had “nothing to hide” and was cooperating with authorities. The statement also accused authorities of attempting to “cow down an independent and progressive voice through a vindictive course of action.”

CPJ emailed the Income Tax Department and Enforcement Directorate for comment but did not receive a response. Chinmoy Biswal, a Delhi police spokesperson, did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment via messaging app.

Pateshwari Singh, a journalist associated with Bharat Kanak and Jana Sandesh Times, was hit by a vehicle and beaten up on June 29 after publishing critical news about a politician in Uttar Pradesh. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and its Indian affiliates, the Indian Journalists Union (IJU) and the National Union of Journalists – India (NUJ-I) urge for the impartial investigation into the case.

The bureau chief of Bharat Kanak and the Ayodhya correspondent for Jan Sandesh Times was on his way from Tatarganj to JB Nagar Colony on the morning of June 29 when he was hit byblack car while riding his motorcycle in the city of Kotwali. Five to six unidentified assilants who were in the car then beat up Singh with canes and rods, leaving him critically injured. The assailants also snatched his mobile phone. He suffered serious head and skull injuries was rushed to a district hospital before being shifted to a private hospital.

According to a video shared on Twitter by Singh, during the assault the attackers talked of his critical news reports about Indra Pratap Tiwari, a local lawmaker with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and Vikas Singh Deogarh, an associate of the lawmaker. He said the attackers threatened to kill him. “They would have killed me if some locals had not rescued me,” he added in the video testimony.

Singh had published news about the lack of development in Tiwari’s constituency. A few days before the attack, an elderly man had reached out to journalist Singh and advised him not to write critical news stories about the BJP lawmaker. Tiwari denied any involvement in the attack.

Following the incident, a First Information Report (FIR) was filed in Kolwali Police Station, Uttar Pradesh against unidentified persons. The FIR was registered under sections 147 (rioting), 148 (rioting, armed with deadly weapon), 323 (voluntarily causing hurt) and 506 (criminal intimidation) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), however doesn’t mention of the BJP lawmaker and his associate. Police say they have started an investigation on the case.

The brazen attack follows the killing of Sulabh Srivastava, a journalist with private television channel ABP News from Uttar Pradesh. He died under mysterious condition on June 13, a day after filing a complaint to Uttar Pradesh police seeking protection.

The Sadar Bazar police in Shahjahanpur have registered an FIR against Newslaundry journalist Nidhi Suresh pursuant to a defamation complaint filed by journalist Deep Srivastava. The FIR was filed at 3.43 pm on July 4.

Srivastava filed his complaint on grounds of defamation. The Uttar Pradesh police accepted it and filed an FIR under Sections 500 and 501 of the Indian Penal Code. The FIR was filed on the basis of a tweet by Suresh; it does not clarify which tweet.

It should be noted that the Supreme Court of India has held that for criminal defamation, the complainant must file a complaint before a magistrate under Section 200 of the Code of Criminal Procedure as the said offences under Section 500 and 501 of the Indian Penal Code are non-cognizable.

At 11.07 am on July 5, Suresh received a phone call from the investigating officer (without any formal notice) asking her to record a statement in Shahjahanpur on the basis of the FIR.

She received a second phone call at 6.05 pm the same day, asking that she “go to the station personally and give a written and oral statement”. When she said she was in Delhi, not Uttar Pradesh, the officer said, “You need to be here in person.”

On July 1, Suresh had reported on a woman named Ayesha Alvi who had petitioned the Delhi High Court on being “harassed” by the media after she converted to Islam. In her petition, Alvi had mentioned receiving a call from a mobile number and the caller “threatened that he will publish the news about my conversion and that I would get arrested and he demanded money from me and when we denied he threatened again. Thereafter he forcefully took 20 thousand rupees from us”.

This information reported by Suresh was in the public domain.

In her report, Suresh said that she called the number and the person “identified himself as Deep Srivastava, reporter at News18”.

The report said that Srivastava “told Newslaundry there was ‘no truth’ in the claim that he had extorted money from Ayesha. When asked if Ayesha had initially refused to give him a video statement, Srivastava said, ‘I can’t talk about this over the phone.’ He then cut the call.”

On July 3, the police headquarters of the Kashmir zone issued a legal notice to Varadarajan, editor-in-chief of the independent news website The Wire, indicating that police were considering legal action against the outlet for allegedly “propagating concocted stories” and “rumor mongering,” and requesting Varadarajan’s response to those allegations within one week, according to a copy of the order, which CPJ reviewed, and Varadarajan, who spoke to CPJ via messaging app.

The police document cites a June 7 article regarding the killing of a Kashmiri resident in police custody, and a June 28 article on the killing of a police officer in the region’s Pulwama district. Varadarajan told CPJ that The Wire stood by both stories.

“Jammu and Kashmir authorities’ notice threatening legal action against journalist Siddarth Varadarajan only adds to the ongoing targeted harassment of The Wire in obvious retaliation for its critical reporting,” said Steven Butler, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator, in Washington, D.C. “Authorities should immediately withdraw the notice and allow The Wire and all media outlets to report freely on issues of public interest.”

Rohit Kansal, a Jammu and Kashmir government spokesperson, did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment sent via messaging app. CPJ also emailed Kashmir Police Inspector-General Vijay Kumar for comment, but did not receive any reply.

Last month, police in the state of Uttar Pradesh opened a criminal investigation into The Wire and three other journalists for allegedly sharing an unverified video that could cause social unrest, as CPJ documented at the time.

Previously, in April 2020, Uttar Pradesh police filed a criminal complaint against Varadarajan for allegedly spreading discord, enmity, and rumors during the COVID-19 lockdown.

Mr. Saddam Khan (26) is a correspondent in a daily newspaper “Jan Sandesh” in Elia, Chandauli, since last five years. He has written articles on various issues of public concern including on illegal mining in the area.

On the evening of June 10, 2021, Mr. Saddam Khan was at the government wheat selling centre in Janakpur-Gandhinagar area, when a stone-loaded tractor-trolley passed by. Being a journalist, Mr. Khan clicked photographs of that tractor-trolley with an intention to further research and publish them in a story in case of illegal transportation of stone. A man riding on a bike along with the tractor stopped him from taking photographs. The man identified himself as Mr. Komal Yadav and had an argument with Mr. Khan. During the argument, Mr. Khan called the SDM Mr. Ajay Mishra to provide information about the tractor transporting stone. Upon hearing the SDM being called on phone, Mr. Yadav rode away hurriedly. On June 12, 2021, news related to this incident was published in 'Jan Sandesh newspaper' with the heading “च"कया म' हो रहा प,थर. का अवैध खनन” (Illegal mining of stones in Chakia). The news article said that despite the administrative vigilance, the illegal mining of stones continued in the hilly area of Chakiya. According to this news article, as soon as dusk settles, tractor-trolleys laden with stones from illegal mining move to different areas of Chakia, Elia and Shahabganj. The entire mafia network is involved in this illegal activity and it is being alleged that the local police is also in collusion. Perhaps that is the reason why the illegal mining mafia are fearless. Villagers alleged that the illegal mining mafia does not fear the local administration. DFO Mr. Dinesh Singh’s statement was also included in the article, who was quoted as saying that two tractor-trolleys had been caught with illegal stones in the past. He

said that the forest department was keeping a close watch on the mining and transportation of illegal stones, however, asked for cooperation from the local police. He also said that the role of the local police was doubtful and questionable but the forest department is making continuous efforts to act strictly against the vehicles involved in such acts, their owners and mafia. On June 15, 2021, at 8 pm, Mr. Khan got a call from an unknown number. The caller identified himself as Mr. Yadav. He used abusive language on the phone, repeating the incident of taking photos, and threatened Mr. Khan with dire consequences. On June 16, 2021, at 10 pm, Mr. Khan filed an FIR No. 0063/2021 in the Elia police station against Mr. Yadav on the above incident in detail, The FIR included IPC Sections 504 Intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of the peace and 506 Punishment for criminal intimidation. But no action was taken against the perpetrator by the police. Mr. Khan alleges that he sought information about 3-4 times from Mr. Mithilesh Tiwari, SHO, Elia police station on actions taken on the FIR, however, the SHO had one answer - the police is doing its work and the accused person was not found at home when the police went to arrest him.

Mr. Nitin Verghese is a human right defender associated with the Jagrit Adivasi Dalit Sangathan (JADS), a tribal and Dalit Rights Collective which has been working for fourteen years in Madhya Pradesh.

On July 10, 2021, Mr. Nitin Verghese, along with eight other activists, visited the site where houses and fields of adivasis were being demolished. Upon reaching the spot, they saw four members of the affected families. Some of them were Budia wife of Lalu (40), her twelve-year-old daughter Pooja and son Ramlal along with Sheka son of Harsing. They were forcibly picked up and taken away by forest officials. When Mr. Verghese and others complained about this to the Deputy Forest Officer (DFO) Mr. Charan Singh, who was at the spot, they were also picked up and their phones snatched. The actions of the DFO are consistent with abduction, absolute disregard to the laws and rules to be followed in case of arrests. There is no official information confirming the place of detention, condition of detention, calls to relatives or colleagues of the HRDs and any communication with the legal services authorities. Even if Mr. Verghese and the other HRDs are to be placed under arrest, none of the guidelines laid down by the Supreme Court with regards to the arrest have been followed. These guidelines are also a part of ‘The Wildlife Crime Investigation Handbook’ of the Wildlife Crime Control Bureau of the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change, which are applicable to forest officials. The Wildlife Crime Investigation Handbook states that the proceedings of the arrest should be recorded on an Arrest cum Personal Search Memo and the reasons for the

arrest should be mentioned in the Memo. All pages of the Arrest cum Personal Search Memo should be signed by the accused, the independent witnesses and the investigating officer or the officer making the arrest. Left hand thumb impression of the accused is also to be obtained on the last page of the Arrest cum Personal Search Memo. Copy of the same should be supplied to the accused under acknowledgment. It states that preferably the arrests should be made “in the presence of a relative or well-wisher of the accused or in the presence of two independent witnesses.” Furthermore, it states that intimation of arrest should be given immediately to a family member/relative/well-wisher of the accused, which has been suggested by the accused and also to the jurisdictional police station. If the intimation is given telephonically, the same should be confirmed in writing at the earliest.

ver 500 residents of Khori village who lined up on the border of Delhi and Haryana in Faridabad on Wednesday were stopped from protesting against the eviction orders of the Supreme Court. The court had ordered the eviction and the demolition of the residential colony in a bid to protect the green cover of Aravalli mountain range. In its judgement on June 7, the court had sought compliance reports from Haryana government officials within six weeks.

Section 144 was imposed in the village prohibiting the gathering of four or more persons following the apex court judgement. On Wednesday, at the congregation, the residents were expecting to show symbolic resistance and send out a message to the Haryana government that they cannot be evicted in the midst of the ongoing pandemic without any arrangements for rehabilitation.

As residents lined up to enter Ambedkar Park in their locality for the protest gathering, they were faced with enormous backlash from the police forces who later resorted to lathi-charge. The police said that they could not let a protest gathering take place in the view of the orders of the Supreme Court and the state government.

Sushil Kumar, a resident of Khori village who had come to participate in the gathering, said, “This is what they do to innocent people like us–we have no space to even raise our voice and share our anxieties. Today was so symbolic to us and we have been treated with lathis. If there is COVID scare associated with our gathering, does the same not apply to the 400 police persons stationed across our village?”

The police were seen dragging out protestors and using force on them. Two student activists from the group BCEM, Ravinder Kaur and Rajveer Singh, were also detained at the Surajkund police station amid the crackdown on protesters. The police while confirming their detention stated that the activists have been called in for questioning as they violated Section 144.

Breaking down during the protests, Sameena Khan, who has lived in the village for over two decades, said, “No one wants to stand in the scorching Delhi heat. All we want is for the roof over our heads to stay. For me, it is death first and then the house–I would rather die. The police are asking us to go back to our homes and not protest but they are taking away our homes too, where do we go?”

The anxieties of the residents continue to rise with their voices being suppressed and no clear means of rehabilitation in sight. While the date for the demolition has not been finalised yet, many fear that demolitions are scheduled to take place as soon as next week.

The residents, who are being labelled as encroachers, reiterated that they had bought the land from builders who worked in connivance with the forest department and the state police. “The BJP has betrayed us, they had promised to protect us, instead we have been used as scapegoats and vote banks. When we do come out to raise our voice this is what happens to us. We are being cornered from every side and asked to leave, but where do we go?” one of the protesters asked.

Post the SC order, electricity and water supply in the village remain snapped causing deep distress amid the rising heat in Delhi. The residents have been going as far as three kilometres away to the Lal Kuan area to get water supply.

The residents of Khori had previously staged a protest on June 11. However, about 100 persons now face charges for participating in the protest while others were detained. The charges against the residents include Sections 109, 114, 147, 149, 186, 188, 269, 283, 341 and 506 of the IPC, and Section 61 of the Disaster Management Act. The residents had gathered on the main road raising slogans against the state government and municipal corporation authorities. The arrests had led to the creation of an atmosphere of fear and anxiety.

Currently, the residents have pledged to keep their movement alive to demand answers from the state administration and refuse to leave their homes.

Kannada actor and anti-caste activist Chetan Kumar said the Basavanagudi police in Bengaluru questioned him on June 14 (Wednesday) for four hours in the case where he was booked for allegedly "hurting religious beliefs through his recent tweets on Brahminism. The actor said that the police summoned him for his posts on social media, where he criticised Brahminism, quoting Dr BR Ambedkar and Periyar.

Following his four-hour interrogation, the actor took to Twitter and said, "I stood by truth and democracy. I am proud to contribute in my own small ways to the global movement for equality, justice and non-violence. Fight goes on!" On June 15, the actor received a notice from the Basavanagudi police station to appear for inquiry about his social media posts against Brahminism.

There are two first information reports (FIRs) registered against Chetan Kumar in two police stations — Ulsoor Gate and Basavanagudi police stations. According to The Hindu, while Brahmin Development Board filed the complaint with Ulsoor police station, a community organisation filed the complaint with Basavanagudi. He has been booked under section 153B (imputations, assertions prejudicial to national integration) and 295A (deliberate and malicious acts, intended to outrage reli­gious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or reli­gious beliefs) of the Indian Penal Code.

The Karnataka Brahmin Development Board had submitted a complaint against Chetan to the Bengaluru Police Commissioner Kamal Pant. The Board claimed that the actor's views hurt "religious beliefs." The complaint against him read that Chetan's remarks were “making imputations prejudicial to national integration.” Shivaram Hebbar, the Minister of Labour Department, too, alleged that Chetan hurt the Brahmin community’s sentiments and insulted the Constitution. The Minister also called for action against the Kannada actor.

The actor had written posts against Brahminism two weeks ago, in response to actor Upendra's remarks that talking about caste perpetuates it. On June 6, the actor tweeted a photo of himself and captioned it, "Brahminism is the negation of the spirit of Liberty, Equality, Fraternity... We must uproot Brahminism — Ambedkar. While all are born as equals, to say that Brahmins alone are highest and all others are low as untouchables is sheer nonsense. It is a big hoax — Periyar."

Chetan's stand has earned him support from several Ambedkarites and anti-caste activists. Amid the complaints, Chetan Kumar said that he will continue to talk about caste. The actor said that he has been highlighting and placing the anti-caste ideas of Ambedkar, Periyar, and Kuvempu for a decade in a modern context.

Buxar-based journalist Umesh Pandey is facing threats and a police case for publishing a news report that said Union minister Ashwini Choubey had on May 15 relaunched old ambulances with new posters.

Umesh Pandey said that a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader has threatened his family, warning him against publishing such news reports in the future. The case registered against him invokes charges such as defamation and intimidation, among others.

Pandey, 40, works as a correspondent in Buxar for the news portal ETV Bharat – a division of the multi-dimensional business conglomerate Ramoji Group. He has been associated with ETV Bharat since July 2018.

Pandey had written a series of stories which revealed that Choubey, the BJP MP from Buxar and Union minister of state for health and family welfare, was part of a programme in which old ambulances were relaunched with new posters.

He also reported that the same ambulances were “inaugurated” multiple times at different locations. Choubey even tried to send them to Bhagalpur, his home district, according to the reports. Pandey claimed that Choubey had launched the same ambulances four times.

The latest launch was done virtually on May 15 at the Buxar collectorate by Choubey. This revelation went viral and was shared widely on various social media platforms.

Bihar’s leader of opposition Tejashwi Yadav tweeted a screenshot of the story, commenting in Hindi, “This great man is Central minister Ashwini Choubey. He brings all the ambulances, paying one day’s fare to just inaugurate them. After the inauguration, the owner drives back it. After one year again he brings them and inaugurates them.”

It seems the latest story has irked the BJP. The eight-page complaint letter typed in Hindi by Parshuram Chaturvedi, a BJP leader, and submitted to the Buxar town police station on May 23 detailed nine stories which were done by Umesh Pandey.

In his written complaint, Chaturvedi alleged, “Umesh Pandey through news articles and personally is threatening and mentally harassing us. He is also breaking the social fabric and creating tension among people during the COVID-19 pandemic. He is blackmailing for money and ruining the image of the state government, Central government and minister Ashwini Choubey.”

They revolve around six ambulances which were given by SJVN Limited – a Central public sector enterprise under the administrative control of the Ministry of Power which is establishing a 1,320MW thermal power plant in the Chausa area of Buxar – to the district health society in March, just before the 2019 Lok Sabha elections as part of its corporate social responsibility (CSR) duties. Choubey reportedly directed authorities to redirect these ambulances to SJVN after the Lok Sabha elections.

This caused a lot of outrage, which prevented the company from taking the ambulances out of Buxar for over a year. They were kept in the Sardar Hospital’s premises. These same ambulances were launched with new posters by Choubey, the reports allege.

Police have confirmed to The Wire that a first information report (FIR) has been registered on the basis of the complaint. The FIR has been lodged under various sections of the Indian Penal Code, including defamation, criminal intimidation, public nuisance and cheating.

It is believed that the FIR was filed at Ashwini Choubey’s behest. The complainant Parshuram Chaturvedi is the son of veteran Congress leader Jagat Lal Chaturvedi and is very close to Ashwini Choubey.

According to sources, Choubey had successfully lobbied to get Chaturvedi the Buxar ticket during the 2020 assembly election. He, however, lost to the Congress. Indeed, Choubey’s pressure forced the Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)] to drop its plans of giving the seat to Gupteswar Pandey, the former DGP who took voluntary retirement and joined the party.

Umesh Pandey was initially unaware of the police complaint against him.

“On May 28, I was sitting at a closed betel shop and chatting with local people when someone said that an FIR had been lodged against me in the town police station. I was surprised,” he told The Wire.

While Chaturvedi alleges that the stories were baseless and targeted the minister’s image, Umesh stands by his reporting. He said, “Whatever I have written is with proof and I am ready to fight.”

Before lodging a police complaint, Parshuram paid a visit to Pandey’s house. Umesh usually leaves around 10 am to report the news. He did so on May 20 too. When he returned in the evening, his family members looked frightened and his father told him about Parshuram’s visit.

Pandey lives with his father, mother, wife and five-year-old child. “My father told me that Parshuram had come here with a gunman, though he is neither an MLA nor holds any government post. My father served him tea. He told my father that I should stop reporting about the ambulances, or things could ‘get out of hand’. He also talked about taking legal action,” Pandey told The Wire.

“My family members are scared. It was an open threat against me. They should send a legal notice to my office if they thought the news was incorrect. He should not have come to my house when I was not there nor should an FIR be lodged against me,” the journalist said.

Chaturvedi confirmed to The Wire that he had visited Pandey’s house but denied making any threats. “I just went there to make him understand that he should not do these things (write such news). I have no personal fight with him.”

“He was continuously publishing news against the party (BJP) and leader (Ashwini Choubey) and misguiding people. I advised him 20 times that if he wants to do journalism, he should remain a journalist. If you become a spokesperson of any party, then leave journalism. But he did not listen. He kept diminishing our party and our leader and Central minister Ashwiniji. So I had no other option except lodging a complaint,” Chaturvedi claimed.

The Wire asked him if Umesh Pandey had called him or any other member of his party to ask them for money, as the complaint alleges. He said, “My simple point is, why he should make baseless comments? He has threatened many times that he will run such news.” The Wire asked him why he had accused Pandey of forgery, to which Chaturvedi said, “He was making wild allegations without any proof and misguiding people. Is it not forgery?”

When asked for more information about Pandey’s alleged blackmailing, Chaturvedi disconnected the phone.

Umesh Pandey dismissed these allegations outright, saying that he repeatedly called Ashwini Choubey between May 16 and 18, but only for his comment on the report. The Union minister did not pick up the call, he said. “Then I contacted Rahul who takes his (Ashwini Choubey) photos but could not talk to Ashwini Choubey. Apart from Choubey and Rahul, I never called any BJP leader. If I have done so, then they must make those calls public,” he told The Wire.

“I believe that the FIR has been filed for reporting the wrongdoings of a public representative. My institution is standing by me.”

Umesh Pandey is yet to be questioned by the police in this case. Ranjit Kumar Sinha, in-charge of the Buxar town police station, told The Wire that the matter is under investigation. He did not offer any other information.

The FIR against Pandey is the latest in a slew of cases registered against journalists in Bihar for doing their job.

On May 25, the superintendent of the Magadh Medical College and Hospital in Gaya had lodged an FIR under the Epidemic Diseases Act against Dainik Bhaskar journalist Ranjan Sinha and his associate, accusing him of entering a COVID-19 ward.

On February 20, rumours had spread about a leak of the English exam paper during the board examinations. The education department had lodged an FIR lodged at the Kotwali Police station in Patna against two journalists who had tweeted the allegations.

Last year, state authorities had lodged a police complaint against many journalists for merely reporting on the government’s mismanagement of COVID-19.

Across the country, around 55 journalists faced arrest, registration of FIRs, summons or show-cause notices, physical assaults, alleged destruction of properties and threats for reportage on COVID-19 or exercising freedom of opinion and expression during the national lockdown from March 25 to May 31, 2020, as per a report prepared by the Rights and Risks Analysis Group (RRAG).

In the last decade, 154 journalists in India were arrested, detained, interrogated or served show-cause notices for their professional work. Sixty-seven of these instances were recorded in 2020 alone, according to a report titled ‘Behind Bars: Arrests and Detentions of Journalists in India 2010-2020’.

The Allahabad High Court Bench of Justices Siddhartha Varma and Ajit Kumar had recently observed that the entire medical system in the state of Uttar Pradesh pertaining to the smaller cities and villages can only be called ‘Ram Bharose’ (at the mercy of God). However, even this does not seem to have made the Uttar Pradesh government do a course correction.

This sarkari apathy seems to have also emboldened groups of right wing workers who have taken the law into their hands, and decided to crack the whip on individuals who are working on issues of public health and are raising awareness of the ongoing health crisis in the most populated state. According to a report in The Wire, a group of social activists campaigning for the ‘Right to Public Health’ was attacked in Lucknow on Monday.

Things took an ugly turn and the mob suddenly attacked the activists, after verbally abusing them, reported The Wire. A woman activist has also alleged that a mobster twisted her hand and abused her. However when the police arrived, they detained the three activists! The activists were taken to Hasanganj police post where they were interrogated for nearly three hours. The attackers are reportedly from the right wing and accused the activists of being ‘urban naxals’, a derogatory term made popular by so called ‘celebrities’ of the right wing.

According to the report a public campaign titled ‘Right to Public Health’ was launched in Uttar Pradesh by two groups: Naujawan Bharat Sabha and Stri Mukti League. Their demands included “nationalisation of health services as well as food and shelter for the poor during the entire lockdown.” Three social activists, Anupam, Avinash and Rupa were pasting posters and distributing pamphlets raising awareness about the campaign in the Hasanganj locality on Monday morning, when they were allegedly confronted by a group of locals. As per the report, the locals accused the activists of “misleading the public” and said they were pasting “pro-Muslim” posters near a temple. The locals continued to fuel hate and made the accusations communal. Even when the activists tried to reason with them and tell them about what the Right to Public Health was, showing them public interest information pamphlets, the mood did not change, stated the report.

Citizen’s groups, and some lawyers stood up in support of the detained activists, who were eventually released. However, police said there was no assault on the social workers! The Wire quoted the Hasanganj police station house officer, Yashkant Singh as saying, “We arrested three activists from Panna Lal Road for violating lockdown protocols and pasting posters illegally”.

Activist Rupa told the reporter that a man “twisted her hand” while snatching pamphlets from her; she added that she had already emailed senior police officers for registering a first information report against the miscreants. However, the police said no FIR was registered against anyone so far in this incident.

Anupam, one of the activists, however alleged that the mob were “sympathisers of the right wing as they were annoyed with our questioning on mishandling of the Covid-19 situation and the devastating condition of rural areas by the Bharatiya Janata Party government. They beat us as we were pasting posters featuring shortage of oxygen,” stated the news report. The other activist Avinash told The Wire, “The mob was saying that ‘everything is fine in the country, and there is no shortage of anything, neither in the country nor in the state. You people are falsely defaming the Modi and Yogi government’. While they were kicking us, they were calling us ‘urban naxals’.” The activists alleged that a local woman corporator was also a part of the mob and said the activists were “anti-Modi-Yogi people”.

On June 3, masked men in plain clothes grabbed Raghu, a reporter with the news website Tolivelugu, outside his home in Hyderabad, and forced him into an unmarked car with its license plates covered, according to news reports, CCTV footage of the abduction shared with CPJ by Tolivelugu senior reporter Magham Srinivas, and the journalist’s wife, Praveena, who spoke to CPJ over the phone.

Later that day, police announced that Raghu was in custody, and a local court ordered him to remain in detention for 14 days pending an investigation into allegations that he participated in a clash between a local tribe and the police in Telangana’s Suryapet district in February, according to those news reports.

Srinivas told CPJ that Raghu covered those clashes as a journalist for the local broadcaster Raj News, where he worked at the time.

On June 4, Raghu’s family filed a petition with the Telangana High Court for his release, according to The Hindu. The petition was transferred to a local district court, and a hearing for his bail is scheduled for June 10, Praveena told CPJ.

“Police in the Indian state of Telangana need to be reminded that covering civil clashes is not a crime, but a normal part of reporting,” said Steven Butler, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator, in Washington, D.C. “Police should immediately release Ganji Raghu, drop their investigation into his work, and apologize to him for the crude manner of his arrest.”

The February clashes with police stemmed from protests the tribe held in opposition to Saidi Reddy, a lawmaker in the state assembly with the ruling Telangana Rashtra Samithi party, who allegedly encroached on their land, Srinivas said.

He added that Reddy had threatened Raghu in the past over his reporting, but did not provide details about those threats.

CPJ was unable to find contact information for Saidi Reddy; CPJ contacted Telangana Rashtra Samithi spokesperson Abid Rasool Khan for comment via messaging app, but did not receive any reply.

If charged and convicted of rioting, Raghu could face a fine and up to three years in jail, according to the Indian penal code.

CPJ texted Mahendra Reddy, Telangana’s director-general of police, and Home Minister Mohammed Mahmood Ali, of the Telangana Rashtra Samithi party, for comment, but did not receive any responses.

Authorities in India’s Uttar Pradesh state must immediately drop their criminal investigation into journalists Rana Ayyub, Saba Naqvi, and Mohammed Zubair, and the independent news website The Wire, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

Yesterday, Uttar Pradesh police filed a criminal complaint stating that they were opening a investigation into The Wire as well as Ayyub, a Washington Post columnist; Naqvi, a freelance journalist; and Zubair, co-founder of the fact-checking website Alt News, according to various news reports and a copy of the complaint, which CPJ reviewed.

The complaint alleges that the three journalists and the news outlet, as well as several politicians from the opposition Congress Party, shared an unverified video that could cause social unrest.

“Indian authorities singling out journalists, some of whom are known for critical coverage of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, for sharing and commenting on a video looks suspiciously like selective law enforcement and amounts to a serious attack on press freedom,” said Steven Butler, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator, in Washington, D.C. “Uttar Pradesh police must withdraw their complaint immediately and stop harassing journalists and news outlets.”

On June 14, The Wire and many other leading news outlets reported on a widely shared video from Uttar Pradesh’s Ghaziabad district, which allegedly depicted a group of Hindu men beating an elderly Muslim man, cutting off his beard, and forcing him to chant a Hindu slogan. Ayyub, Naqvi, and Zubair tweeted about the video, according to those news reports and the complaint.

The complaint, filed by an inspector at the Loni Border police station in Ghaziabad, accuses Ayyub, Naqvi, and Zubair of posting tweets police alleged were misleading and unverified.

The complaint states that police are investigating the three journalists and The Wire for violating Sections 153 (provocation to cause a riot), 153A (promoting enmity between religious groups), 295A (insulting religious beliefs), 505 (public mischief), and 120B (criminal conspiracy) of the Indian penal code.

Each of those sections carry prison penalties of up to one year for convictions, except for criminal conspiracy, which carries up to two years, according to the Indian penal code.

In posts on Twitter after the criminal complaint was filed, Ayyub, Naqvi, and Zubair noted that their descriptions of the video were based on initial news reports.

CPJ texted Uttar Pradesh Police Director-General Hitesh Awasthy for comment but did not receive any reply.

Last year, Uttar Pradesh police filed opened criminal investigations into The Wire’s Siddharth Vardarajan for allegedly “spreading discord” related to the COVID-19 lockdown, as CPJ documented at the time.

As the Congress government in Chhattisgarh expands the footprint of militarisation and continues to set up security camps, tribals in the state have been conducting sustained protests against the infiltration of more forces, saying that the increased presence leads to brutal repression.

On May 12, security forces set up their latest camp in Silger village in Sukma district, despite stiff opposition from the locals. The opening of the camp had led to widespread protests in the region, also spreading to other villages. However, on May 17 security forces opened fire on a gathering of about 3,000 tribals, killing three. While the police forces claim they were targeting naxals in a crossfire, tribal villagers have been asserting that the unprecedented move was aimed dispersing the crowds and suppressing their movement.

Inspector General of Police (Bastar range) Sundarraj P. reportedly said, that a preliminary investigation revealed that the deceased were allegedly linked with frontal organisations of the banned CPI (Maoist). The deceased had been identified as Uska Pandu from Timmapur village (Sukma), Kowasi Waga, DAKMS (Dandakaranya Adivasi Kisan Majdoor Sangthan) member from Chhutwahi and Kursam Bhima, militia member from Gundem village (Bijapur), the IGP said.

Activists and locals on the ground are saying that the larger context of suppression in the name of protection is not being highlighted and innocent villagers, who were fighting for their rights, have been injured and attacked with impunity.

Speaking to Newsclick, activist Kamal Shukla said: “The camp opened on May 12, despite opposition mounting against it from the beginning. As the camp opened, villagers were coming in everyday in huge numbers to protest against the increased militarisation and the consequent repression. Attempts were being made to disperse the crowds; water was being used, stones were being thrown on them, they were being tear-gassed as well. However, the tribals did not give up. Throughout the protests, over 200 people have been injured, several are also languishing in Sukma jail.”

Questions are also being raised about the claims made by the security forces. “This incident of firing was unprecedented. Never, even in Bastar’s very violent history, has this happened. While the police claim that those who were killed were Maoists, it becomes necessary to ask how did the forces identify who was a Maoist among 3,000 people?” Shukla added.

Moreover, tribal leaders like Soni Sori and lawyer Bela Bhatia were also stopped by the state police from visiting the locals on Wednesday. Speaking to Newsclick, Soni Sori said that while "the violence has been a part of our history, but the key question is why is the government not letting people like me to go and assess the situation on the ground. A large number of people have been rendered injured by the forces, there is widespread anger on the ground. People are deeply hurt and anguished and troubled by the firing. I was denied a visit on the grounds that I need to seek permission in advance. When I did the police came to my house early in the morning to tell me I should not make a visit because of the Naxal movement; there is a widespread presence of forces blocking us from uncovering the truth.”

“The question is: How did the police fire at the tribals? If there was counter fighting then how is there no evidence of any attack on the forces. Whatever is being shown in the media is a cover-up as activists are also not being allowed to go in for any fact-finding missions,” she added.

Protests against security camps such as the one in Silger have been ongoing in the state since last year, when the Congress-led state government had proposed the setting up of eight new security camps in the state, including in Bijapur, Dantewada and Sukma among many others. The local population suspects that the bid is not as much about increasing security cover in the region as it is about suppressing the Adivasi culture and their voice. The villagers also fear that these camps may end up as centres of the use of brutal force and violence against women.

Newsclick had previously reported about the injuries several tribal protestors had faced while opposing the camps in Bijapur; several were also arrested for staging protests.

Tribals had also dug up roads as a symbolic means of protest to keep the security forces out of the region.

The CPI-M has condemned the firing on the tribals opposing the camp, saying a military solution was not acceptable and that the camp be removed. CPI (M) State Secretary Sanjay Parate said that if the people of the region do not want the camp, then the government should remove it for the restoration of peace. Parate said that the provisions of PESA and 5th Schedule also do not allow the government to open camps of military forces in "an arbitrary manner in the area." He said that the "militarisation of this area is not to protect the rights of the tribals, but for the violation of their rights and the suppression of the democratic right to protest".

The CPI (ML) Liberation also condemned the CRPF "brutality on Adivasis". In a statement, it said that the land in question has "historically" belonged to the local Adivasis and that it was not aware of security forces taking prior permission from the Gram Sabha before building camps in the area. "CPI (ML) Liberation demands unconditional release of the arrested Adivasis and that all the perpetrators of this brutality must be brought to justice. We also demand that the Congress-led Chhattisgarh government immediately intervenes and stops illegal construction of camps," it added.

Speaking to Newsclick, journalist Ashutosh Bhardwaj, who has been covering the area extensively, said: “Not long ago, the area where this incident took place had expansive wilderness. Silger is not the only police camp, the government has been constructing one camp after another in the region to counter Naxalism. It has led to resentment among the locals. This incident, therefore, needs to be seen in a larger context. The protests against the Silger camp marked the accumulation of Adivasi unrest. While the police claims that the protest was led by Naxals, local reports suggest that there wasn't any Naxal presence. Bastar is not new to Adivasi protests, but it is perhaps the first instance in a decade when the police opened fire on unarmed protestors.”

The firing has also triggered the immediate demand of a fair probe into the matter, as several members of the tribal community remain locked up in jail. Chhattisgarh Bachao Andolan (CBA), a group of activists, put out a public statement claiming that the police opened fire on the tribals who were protesting against the camp. They demanded that the incident be probed by a retired high court judge in a time-bound manner and that an FIR be registered against those found guilty.

A journalist and founder of news portal ‘The Ink’ has been booked by the Hisar police on charges of promoting communal disharmony and making assertions prejudicial to national-integration under the Indian Penal Code for allegedly posting “inflammatory” messages on various social media platforms. He also been charged under the Information Technology (Amendment) Act, 2008.

Haryana Congress president Kumari Selja condemned the registration of the case, saying Mr. Kundu was “vocal” in raising the farmers’ voice during the ongoing agitation against three farm laws. She demanded the immediate withdrawal of the case and added that the voice of journalists could not be suppressed through such action.

Haryana Working Journalists Union vice-president Anil Sharma condemned the registration of the case as an “attack on the freedom of press” and said it was prejudicial to democracy. He said a meeting would be convened soon on the matter.

According to the First Information Report, registered at the behest of Hisar police spokesperson and Head Constable Vikash, journalist Rajesh Kundu allegedly posted a message on a Whatsapp group on April 8 saying a “script was ready for instigating caste-related violence in Hisar in a week’s time and a blueprint was ready to further implement it at state and national level.”

Mr. Vikash, in his complaint, said Mr. Kundu posted a similar message on his Facebook page and it amounted to an attempt to “provoke” and “instigate” people.

Demanding action against the journalist, Mr. Vikash said the post could be prejudicial to the nation’s integrity and sovereignty.

When contacted, Mr. Kundu told The Hindu that his post was actually aimed at “warning” the people against a possible conspiracy to instigate caste-related violence in the city and prevent riots. He said he also did a news story on the matter.

He said the registration of the case against him was an attempt to harass him since he had exposed the conspiracy to instigate riots.

Station House Officer, Hisar Civil Lines, Inspector Balwant Singh said the police had enough evidence against the accused in the form of his posts on social media platforms and the matter was under investigation.

Prominent activists Bela Bhatia and Jean Dreze alleged on Monday that they were not allowed to proceed to Silger in Chhattisgarh, where three persons were killed in a police firing on May 17 in what the police claimed was an 'encounter' with Maoists present in a crowd of people.

The activists were also allegedly interrupted when they were meeting people injured in the firing that took place on the inter-district border of Bijapur and Sukma in Bastar region on Wednesday. The duo were asked to undergo COVID-19 tests before being allowed for any further movement.

Bela Bhatia, talking to THE WEEK on telephone from Bijapur, said that she and Dreze both underwent repeat COVID-19 tests (both rapid antigen test and the RTPCR) on Wednesday and got negative reports on Thursday. “We are now waiting to talk to the Bijapur district collector and show him the reports. On our part, we think we have cooperated fully with the administration despite both of us being vaccinated with both the doses. Now we want to be allowed to meet the injured as well as to visit Silger and interact with the local people,” Bhatia said.

District Collector Ritesh Agrawal told THE WEEK that he was yet to confirm the COVID-19 test reports of the two activists and any further decision or action would be taken only after that. He refused to comment further.

Questions have been raised on the “encounter” after videos of local villagers claiming death of nine persons and injuries to about 18 people in a “unilateral” firing by the police on a crowd of protesting villagers on May 17, made rounds on social media. The villagers were seen claiming that there was no Maoist presence in the crowd.

The villagers had gathered in the area to protest against a newly set up camp of security forces which, they said, had infringed on their livelihood and natural resources like forest, land and water.

Bastar Inspector General Sudarraj P. had claimed that three persons were killed in an encounter with Maoists present in the crowd who had fired at the camp of security forces in Silger. He, however, added that it was not yet confirmed whether those dead were Maoists or villagers. The state government has not made any official statement regarding the incident or the villagers' allegations.

Civil society organisations have demanded a judicial probe into the incident and filing of criminal cases against responsible police officers, apart from compensation to the families of those dead.

Bhatia told THE WEEK that she and Dreze were interrupted by the authorities when they tried to speak to five injured persons in the district hospital on Wednesday and were asked to leave the place.

“We saw three seriously injured persons with bullet injuries in back, shoulder and leg respectively and two others—one man and one woman—with injuries due to alleged lathicharge by the police. Later, relatives of these people, who were present on the hospital campus, told us that they, too, had been present at the protest rally for five days before the incident and that there was firing from the police side,” she said.

Later in the evening, the activist said, they were stopped at the Chiramangi CRPF camp before Avapalli on their way to Silger and told that they could not proceed. “I saw a document with my name and photograph that said I should not be allowed to go to Silger. I was not given any reason and the only thing they asked us was to get COVID-19 tests done, which we have fulfilled. We saw journalists and others from outside Bijapur proceeding to Silger and coming back while we were waiting at Chiramangi camp,” Bhatia said.

“We want to talk to the local people around Silger to know their version of the incident and what they felt. We have always found that no counter-complaint of such incidents (disputed 'encounters') are ever entertained. But if the villagers feel so, we will help them with the legal action,” Bhatia said.

She said there seemed to be further attempts to hold up their (activists') plan. On Thursday morning, she was initially told that her COVID-19 test sample was invalid and re-sampling would have to be done. “However when Jean went to get his report, my report, too, was handed over to him and we both have tested negative in both the tests. So now, we want to proceed with our plan,” Bhatia said.

The family of Delhi University Associate Professor Hany Babu, who is standing trial in the 2018 Bhima Koregaon violence case and is lodged in Taloja Central Jail near Navi Mumbai, has alleged that he is being denied treatment for an acute eye infection. Jail authorities have, however, denied the allegation and said he was taken to hospital for a second time Wednesday.

Speaking to ThePrint, Hany Babu’s wife Jenny Rowena, who teaches at DU’s Miranda House, said he had first complained about the eye infection to the prison authorities on 3 May. “He was taken to the Civil Hospital, Vashi, only on 7 May. The medication he was given there hasn’t been working, and we have made repeated requests to the authorities to take him to the hospital again, but they still haven’t taken him. Even now, we don’t have any information on whether he has been taken to the hospital or not,” Rowena said.

However, Taloja jail superintendent Kaustubh Kurlekar told ThePrint: “We have already sent him for a check-up today. He has not been denied any treatment. We had earlier taken him to the ophthalmologist on 7 May as well when he was given medicines.”

But this claim was denied by Babu’s lawyers, who said they had received no information about him being taken to a hospital Wednesday.

“Between 3 and 6 May, Hany Babu himself told the jail authorities multiple times about his infection and tried to get himself treated, but to no avail. Since 6 May, we have sent two emails, and called the superintendent and authorities 13 times to request them to take him to the hospital, but we still don’t have any information on him being taken there,” said a member of Babu’s legal team, who did not wish to be named.

The lawyer added that the authorities had been promising since 10 May to take him to hospital. “On 10 May, we were told that they have sent a requisition request for guards to take him to hospital on 11 May. After five calls on that day, we were told that he hasn’t been taken to the hospital, and maybe taken today.”

ThePrint approached Maharashtra Home Minister Dilip Walse Patil and MoS Home Satej Patil through phone calls for a comment, but did not receive any response.

The family has also alleged that the infection has got worse due to delay in treatment. “He has little or no vision in his left eye due to the swelling, which has spread to the cheek, ear and forehead, compromising other vital organs as well, and posing a significant risk to his life if it spreads to the brain. He is in agonising pain and is unable to sleep or perform daily chores,” said a statement issued by the family Tuesday.

Rowena also alleged that Babu does not have access to clean water to help treat his eye. “There is a water shortage in the prison; he doesn’t have access to clean water to bathe his eyes. He is being given soiled towels to dress his eyes, which is only making it worse,” she told ThePrint.

Superintendent Kurlekar, however, denied any such crisis. “There are no such problems in the jail. He is getting clean water access; the family is saying what they want,” he said.

This is not the first time that an accused in the 2018 Bhima Koregaon violence case has alleged denial of medical treatment — lawyers for Gautam Navlakha, Father Stan Swamy and Anand Teltumbde had also made similar claims in the past.

Swamy, who suffers from Parkinson’s disease, was allegedly denied a straw sipper, while Navlakha was allegedly denied access to spectacles. Other accused Sudha Bharadwaj and Shoma Sen, lodged in Mumbai’s Byculla Women’s jail, have also raised health issues.

With Maharashtra clocking the highest Covid-19 cases in the country, Hany Babu’s family is also concerned about him contracting the virus.

“The jail is very crowded. At least 40 people stay together in one hall. If one person contracts the virus, there will be a severe outbreak in the jail. Some people said eye infection can be a Covid symptom, but we don’t know for sure,” said Rowena.

Babu’s lawyers acknowledged the Covid threat, but said they were focussing on getting his eye treated first. “He got a rapid antigen test done, which came back negative, and then an RT-PCR test done on 7 May. We are assuming that it is negative because high court rules ordain that prison authorities have to inform us if any inmate is positive,” said the anonymous lawyer quoted above.

“While there is a Covid threat, since he is not showing any other symptoms, our focus is to get his eye infection treated,” the lawyer added.

Members of diverse people’s movements across India, including many prominent activists, including Medha Patkar, Aruna Roy and Nikhil Dey, have asked the government to withdraw the FIR filed against activist Prof Kusumam Joseph. The FIR was filed against her for posting an appeal on Facebook to the government to ensure food and kits for dalit and adivasi families at Arippa in Kollam.

Her FB post highlighted the dire situation of over 160 families, including older people and children, who are part of communities struggling for the right to cultivable land on which they had built their huts for over a decade. Their condition had aggravated during the Covid-induced lockdown. Kusumam had posted the appeal in April 2020 and Kulathupuzha police had registered a case against her based on the complaint by Kulathupuzha gram panchayat secretary on April 18, this year. But, Kusumam was notified about the FIR only on April 28 through a notice asking her to surrender her mobile phone within 72 hours, said the activists.

The FIR is based on a facebook appeal by her to the state government in April 2020, to ensure food kits for Dalit and Adivasi families in Arippa, Kollam District. Deeming it completely arbitrary act of the administration and seeking immediate intervention of chief minister of Kerala they demanded for the withdrawal of the impugned FIR.

Prof. Kusumam Joseph is a respected retired academic in the educational and social circles of Kerala. She has been an active human rights defender, environmental crusader and has also previously been the Kerala state-coordinator and currently one of the Convenors of the National Alliance of People’s Movements. As per information available, the Kulathupuzha police, based on the complaint of Panchayath Secretary, Kulathupuzha Gram Panchayat registered Cr. 415/2020 on 18th April, 2021, under section 153 of IPC and Sec.118(b), 120 (b) of Kerala Police Act. However, Kusumam herself was notified of this FIR only on 28th April, 2021, through a notice asking her to surrender her mobile phone within 72 hours.

During the beginning of the pandemic, in April 2020, Ms. Joseph made a public demand on facebook that the Kerala Government ensure food kits for Dalit and Adivasi families in Arippa, Kollam. Her facebook post highlighted the dire situation of more than 160 families, including older people and children, who are part of communities struggling for the right to cultivable land on which they had built their huts for over a decade.

With the lockdown declared due to the Covid-19 pandemic, they had lost all means of subsistence and their income. While acknowledging the efforts of the Kerala Government to provide food kits for those in need including migrant workers and even birds and animals, Prof. Kusumam Joseph drew attention to the failure of the State to ensure food security for the Dalit and Adivasi people at Arippa, even after the local authorities received multiple requests from different quarters. Her demand for immediate supply of food grains to the affected people was in line with the promises made by the Kerala government that the people in Kerala will not be allowed to starve.

The case against Prof. Kusumam claims that ‘by concealing the Government’s social security measures she incited insurrection among communities’! It was alleged that her post constituted ‘wantonly giving provocation with intent to cause riot.’ This is a malicious accusation made against an activist who was fighting to ensure basic necessities for survival for communities already living under precarious circumstances. The attempt to suppress her voice, using police force is a disappointing departure from the principles of a state claiming to fight for all working classes and oppressed sections including Dalit, Adivasi and minority peoples.

They appealed that the Kerala government withdraws the pending FIR/s against Prof. Kusumam Joseph, that the govt upholds the principles of democracy, including the right to protest and the right to publicly hold government agencies responsible for denial of social entitlements and rights.

The Kerala government must guarantee that activists and human rights defenders are not targeted and persecuted for bringing issues to public notice, and instead state mechanisms are employed to address the violations of human rights they point out. Towards this end, police and administrative personnel must be given necessary training and direction.

On 7 April 2021, human rights defender Laishram Herojit Singh, alias Sintha, was arrested at his home by officers from the Thoubal Police station in the North East Indian state of Manipur. The defender was arrested on charges under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act for his alleged membership of a militant group. On 12 April 2021, the court accepted the human rights defender’s bail application, however the charges against him remain.Laishram Herojit Singh, alias Sintha, is a human rights defender and a strong advocate against the increasingly powerful drug nexus in the region. He is the Secretary General of the Coalition Against Drug and Alcohol (CADA) in Thoubal District, a civil society organisation campaigning against the impact of drug and alcohol abuse. In his capacity, the human rights defender has led several campaigns to further awareness on the topic. Sintha also actively engages with and advocates against the issues of violence against women and children, mining and its impact on rights of Indigenous communities and the protection and preservation of the environment in the state of Manipur. On 7 April 2021, about 20 police officers from the Thoubal station arrested human rights defender Laishram Herojit Singh from his home in Thoubal, on charges under Section 39 of the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), which relates to the offence of giving support to a terrorist organisation. Neither the human rights defender nor his family, who were present in the house at the time of his arrest, were shown an arrest warrant. Sintha was then taken to the Thoubal police station where, according to the human rights defender, he was slapped and asked to sign an arrest memo, claiming he worked with a militant group, which he refused to sign. Contrary to the fact that he was arrested from his home in Thoubal, the First Information Report (FIR) filed by the police against Sintha states that he was detained in Wangjing, after the police reportedly received information that members of the United National Liberation Front militant group, were in Wangjingat the time. The FIR claims that Sintha was detained for the suspicious manner in which he was behaving while allegedly in Wangjing.Earlier that day, Sintha had participated in a peaceful protest against the acquittal of an influential individual accused in a highly publicised drug haul case from 2018. Along with placards condemning the acquittal, protestors also carried placards with messages calling for the resignation of the chief minister of the state, for his complacency in the case. Once the protest dispersed, a local police official contacted one of the protest organisers and mentioned that the authorities were unhappy about the slogans directed against the chief minister.The following day, on 8 April 2021, Sintha appeared before the court of Chief Judicial Magistrate in Thoubal, and was asked whether he accepted the charges against him, which the human rights defender categorically denied. Sintha was then remanded to four days in police custody and on 12April 2021, was granted bail by the Chief Judicial Magistrate in Thoubal District. The charges against the human rights defender remain however. Human rights defenders and colleagues of Sintha believe that his arrest and the charges levelled against him are in direct reprisal for his human rights work, advocating against powerful forces within the state and the interests of powerful criminal entities. Front Line Defenders condemns the judicial harassment of human rights defender Laishram Herojit Singh, as it believes he is being targeted as a result of his human rights work to protect the local community against powerful and corrupt interests in Manipur. It believes that the use of the UAPA against him and other human rights defenders is aimed at vilifying them as terrorists and silencing their work in defence of human rights.

A 50-year-old dalit RTI activist, Amrabhai Boricha, was reportedly hacked to death in Sanodar village, Bhavnagar district, Gujarat on March 2. About 50 men belonging to the Darbar (Kshatriya) caste allegedly attacked Boricha with spears, iron pipes and swords after barging inside his house. He succumbed to his injuries en route the hospital in Bhavnagar city.

“Around 50 members of the Darbars from our village passed by our home playing loud music when my father and I were standing outside. A while later, they returned and started throwing stones at us. When my father ran inside (for protection), they barged in and started attacking him with swords, spears and iron pipes, despite us having police protection,” said Boricha’s daughter Nirmala, who got injured in attempts to save her father and was rushed to Sir Takhtasinji General Hospital in Bhavnagar city. Nirmala has broken fingers and injuries on her head.

Notably, Amrabhai Boricha, from the sole dalit family of Sanodar village in Ghogha taluka, Bhavnagar, has been the target of several attacks allegedly by the upper caste men of his village since 2013.

A month ago, Boricha, a farmer by occupation, had approached Ghogha Police Station to file a complaint after an attempt of attack on him by members of the Darbar community of the village. However, sub inspector PR Solanki, a Darbar by caste did not take his complaint, claimed his daughter Nirmala.

In 2013, Boricha was severely injured and broke his leg in another attack. Following which, he had filed a complaint under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989 against the Darbar men of his village. However, the accused got bail and had been harassing and pressuring Boricha to take back the case.

Following the attack on him in 2013, Boricha had also sought the right to keep arms for his protection but was instead granted two home guard personnel, who couldn’t prevent the attack that killed him, his daughter said.

After his daughter’s complaint was registered, 10 accused were booked and the sub-inspector of Ghogha Police Station, PR Solanki, was suspended. Two FIRs have been lodged – one against PR Solanki who has been accused of ignoring the victim’s concern regarding threat to his life and another against Bhailubha Gohil and 9 others.

The 10 accused have been booked under IPC sections 302 (murder), 307 (attempt to murder), 452 (house trespass after preparation for causing hurt, assault or wrongful restraint), 506 (2) (criminal intimidation), 324 (voluntary causing hurt with dangerous weapons or means), 294(b) (recital or singing abusive songs in public place), 120 B (unlawful assembly and rioting) and under SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.

It is to be noted that this is not the first time that a dalit RTI activist has been killed by upper caste men in Gujarat. In 2018, Nanji Sondarva was reportedly killed by men belonging to the Darbar caste in Rajkot. A year later in May 2019, his son, 20-year-old Rajesh Sondarva, a complainant in the murder case of his father, was killed by the family members of the accused.

Sondarvas were provided police protection at their home since the murder of Nanji Sondarva but the accused attacked Rajesh on his way back home from work.

In June 2019, Manji Solanki, a dalit deputy sarpanch, was brutally thrashed by men allegedly belonging to the Darbar caste in Botad district. He died on his way to the hospital in Ahmedabad. Manji, who had earned the ire of the upper caste men of his village for helping dalits file cases under SC/ST (PoA) Act, had been attacked multiple times and sought police protection but denied.

In October 2020, Devji Maheshwari, a dalit activist, lawyer and a member of All India Backward and Minority Communities (BAMCEF) and Indian Legal Professionals Association, was reportedly killed in broad day light in Kutch district.

Local police held that Maheshwari was killed for his social media posts against Brahmins. However, his wife claimed that Maheshwari was attacked because he was involved in fighting for land and property rights of dalits of the area.

In 2019, a response to an RTI filed by a Gujarat-based dalit activist had revealed that 1,545 cases of caste-based atrocities had been filed that year – the highest since the year 2001, and included 22 cases of murder and 104 incidents of rape.

On March 22, 2021, the Special National Investigation Agency (NIA) Court in Mumbai rejected Mr. Swamy’s bail petition, arguing that there was sufficient evidence to prove his involvement in "deep-rooted conspiracy". His application for bail had been pending since November 2020.

The Observatory recalls that Mr. Swamy has been arbitrarily detained in Taloja jail since October 9, 2020, following his arbitrary arrest on October 8, 2020 by NIA officials for his alleged involvement in the Bhima Koregaon case. The case relates to caste-based violence that broke out on January 1, 2018, during Elgar Parishad, a Dalit commemoration of the anniversary of a battle the Dalits won 200 years ago against the Peshwas (upper caste rulers), at Bhima Koregaon, Maharashtra State.

On November 26, 2020, the NIA Court in Mumbai rejected Mr. Stan Swamy’s request for a straw, a sipper bottle, and winter clothes, which had been allegedly confiscated by the NIA at the time of his arrest. Mr. Swamy had lodged his request on November 6, 2020, as he is unable to hold a glass due to having an advanced stage of Parkinson’s disease. Furthermore, Mr. Swamy suffers from a hearing impairment, has fallen in the jail on multiple occasions, and suffers from severe pain in his lower abdomen as a result of two surgeries. On November 29, 2020, the Taloja jail authorities provided Mr. Swamy with a sipper bottle, following widespread outcry over the refusal to provide him with adequate medical care.

On 9 March 2021, woman human rights defender Hidme Markam was arrested by Chhattisgarhpolice on several charges, including charges under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA)anti-terrorism law in relation to her alleged involvement in Maoist activities. The woman humanrights defender was arrested during an event in Dantewada in the State of Chhattisharh to markInternational Working Women’s Day, and to protest the custodial torture and sexual violence bypolice against Adivasi women in the State. Later that day, following her arrest, Hidme Markamappeared before a Magistrate and was remanded for 14 days in Jagadalapur prison. Hidme Markam is an Adivasi woman human rights defender advocating for indigenous rights,against police and state violence, and the impact of mining in the State of Chhattisgarh. She is theconvenor of the Jail Bandi Rihai Committee, a platform which advocates for the release ofthousands of Adivasi persons, particularly youths, criminalized and branded as Naxals and held inpre-trial detention. Hidme Markam is an anti-mining campaigner, focusing on projects led by largecorporations such as Adani Pvt Ltd., which threaten to destroy a sacred Adivasi hill, considered alocal deity by the community. She also campaigns against the detrimental ecological impact ofmining for the local area, resulting in the degradation of land and large bodies of water, and thedestruction of forests in the region. The woman human rights defender has also criticised theexpanding presence of military, police and para-military in the State. In 2019, she participated in apublic campaign against the establishment of a police camp in Potali by the Special Task Force andDistrict Reserve Guards. Advocating for the promotion of women’s rights and against physical andsexual violence against women by police and military officers is central to Hidme Markam’s work.Women in the State, especially from Adivasi communities, have been disproportionately affected byviolence and discrimination by officials. On 9 March, Hidme Markam participated in an event at Sameli, Dantewada to mark InternationalWorking Women's Day and to commemorate the death of two young women, one of whom wasconfirmed to have died whilst in police custody, in Chhattisgarh. The two women were reportedlysubjected to torture and sexual violence by officials whilst detained. Police officers arrested thewoman human rights defender at the event where approximately 300 villagers, community leadersand other women human rights defenders from the Jail Bandi Rihai Committee and ChhattisgarhMahila Adhikar Manch were present. The Sub-Divisional Magistrate also witnessed the arrest,having arrived at the event to engage with those attending. Fellow human rights defenders andcommunity members who attempted to oppose the woman human rights defenders arrest wereviolently pushed aside by the police officers. Multiple cases have been filed against Hidme Markamon charges under the regressive Unlawful Activities Prevention Act and others, a law that isroutinely used against human rights defenders in India response to their legitimate human rightsactivities. The exact charges against Hidme Markam are not yet known, and she remains inJagadalapur prison, and has been allowed access to her lawyer since her arrest.The woman human rights defender has engaged directly with high ranking state officials includingthe Chief Minister, Governor and Superintendent of Police of Chhattisgarh to seek redress, realisebasic fundamental rights and protection from harm for local communitiesaffected by the miningactivities in the region. She has worked peacefully with local authorities to address violationsagainst these vulnerable and oppressed communities, and represent the voices of members of thecommunities. Her arrest is in direct reprisal for her work, challenging powerful forces within theState, such as police, military and corporate interests. As a result of this work, the woman humanrights defender has faced threats and harassment in the past, culminating in her arrest on 9 March. Front Line Defenders condemns the arrest of woman human rights defender Hidme Markam as itbelieves she is being targeted as a result of her human rights work, advocating for the protection ofthe rights of Adivasi communities, especially Adivasi women in Chhattisgarh. Not only her arrest,but also the decision to carry out the arrest during an event marking the custodial torture of andsexual violence against two young Adivasi women, is particularly concerning. Front Line Defendersreiterates its concern regarding the use of the UAPA against Hidme Markam and other humanrights defenders in India, aimed at silencing them and their efforts to promote and protect humanrights in the country.

On February 12, Jammu and Kashmir police opened an investigation into Gul, a freelance journalist who contributes to The Kashmirwalla, for allegedly taking part in an illegal demonstration against home demolitions, according to Gul, who spoke to CPJ via phone, and news reports.

The investigation into Gul stems from an article he published on February 9, in which residents of Hajin, a town in Bandipora district, in north Kashmir, alleged that local government official Ghulam Mohammad Bhat had threatened them and forcefully demolished their homes, Gul told CPJ.

Gul said he believed the local authorities filed the complaint opening the investigation on Bhat’s instruction. In a text message to CPJ, Bhat denied having any role in filing the complaint.

The complaint alleges that Gul took part in an illegal demonstration opposing the demolitions on February 10, where he allegedly threw stones and shouted slogans, according to the journalist.

Police are investigating Gul for violating Sections 147 (rioting), 447 (criminal trespass), and 353 (assault or criminal force to deter public servant from discharge of his duty) of the Indian Penal Code, according to the journalist and The Kashmirwalla.

Gul denied partaking in such a demonstration, and told CPJ that he was in Srinagar, about 40 miles from Bandipora, on February 10.

Gul also told CPJ that the police had not given him a copy of the complaint, and have merely mentioned the counts on which he is being investigated. If charged and convicted, Gul could face up to two years of imprisonment under Indian law.

CPJ contacted Amritpal Singh, senior superintendent of police for Shopian, Colonel K. Arun of the army’s Additional Directorate General of Public Information, and Sajad Malik, police deputy superintendent of Hajin, for comment via messaging app, but did not receive any responses.

On January 30, police in the state opened criminal investigations into Sharma, a reporter at The Kashmirwalla news website, and Junaid, a reporter at The Kashmiriyat news website, for alleged incitement, according to various news reports and Fahad Shah, editor-in-chief of The Kashmirwalla, and Qazi Shibli, news editor of The Kashmiriyat, both of whom spoke to CPJ in phone interviews.

The investigation into Sharma and Junaid concerns reports they published on January 27 in The Kashmirwalla and The Kashmiriyat, which each quoted the chairperson of a school in the southern Kashmiri city of Shopian, who said Indian Army authorities had pressured the school to celebrate Republic Day, according to Shah and Shibli. After those articles were published, the school issued a statement denying that it had received pressure from authorities, according to the news website Scroll.in. Shah told CPJ that The Kashmirwalla outlet stands by its story.

The investigation is based on a complaint filed to police by an unnamed army official, who accused Sharma and Junaid of spreading “fake news,” which poses “serious concerns for security of [the] region as they can cause riots & create problems for law & order situation for public & armed forces,” according to a copy of the complaint reviewed by CPJ and Scroll.in.

The complaint accuses the journalists of violating Sections 153 (wantonly giving provocation with intent to cause riot) and 505 (statements conducing to public mischief) of the Indian Penal Code. The complaint also accuses The Kashmirwalla and The Kashmiriyat, as corporate entities, of the same offenses.

Both Shah and Shibli told CPJ that their reporters were not given copies of the complaint, and they found out about the police investigation through social media. If charged and convicted, Sharma and Junaid could face up to three years in prison under Indian law.

On February 2, a court rejected Shah and Sharma’s petition for pre-emptive bail, which would exempt the journalists from detention during the investigation, and both are now petitioning Jammu and Kashmir High Court, Shah told CPJ.

Barkha Dutt, who often reports for the Washington Post and runs a YouTube local news channel called MoJo Story, told RSF that she regards the accusation brought against her, in the form of a police “First Information Report” (FIR) on 21 February, as a “harassment attempt” and “pure intimidation.”

The accusation concerns Dutt’s coverage of the death of two teenage girls who are Dalits (members of the Indian group formerly known as “untouchables”). They were found poisoned in a field in Uttar Pradesh’s Unnao district after going missing on 17 February.

The FIR names Dutt’s Twitter account, @themojostory, along with seven other Twitter accounts, including those of several politicians who claimed the girls were sexually assaulted. The MoJo Story report never claimed this, but the FIR says it did. Dutt’s request for a copy of the FIR has been refused by the police, thereby preventing her from legally disputing the accusation.

Lumped together “The police are deliberately lumping together unverified comments by politicians with the MoJo Story’s rigorous journalistic reporting,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk. “This is clearly a case of judicial harassment aimed at silencing any independent investigative coverage of this case. We urge the Uttar Pradesh prosecutor’s office to immediately dismiss this accusation, which is not based on any credible evidence, and furthermore violates the criminal procedure code by denying Barkha Dutt access to the case.”

According to the police, Dutt is accused under criminal code article 153 of “wantonly giving provocation with intent to cause riot,” which is punishable by up to a year in prison. The police were almost certainly annoyed that her reporting included interviews with members of the family of the two murdered girls, who said the police pressured them to quickly cremate their bodies.

This is a highly sensitive claim coming just five months after the alleged gang-rape and subsequent death of a 19-year-old Dalit woman in Hathras, another Uttar Pradesh district, in September – a case that received a great deal attention throughout India, as RSF reported at the time.

Blocked access After the young woman died of her injuries in hospital, the police quickly cremated her body the next day, fuelling speculation that they wanted to destroy evidence. The police then blocked access to the district to prevent reporters from interviewing the family.

As she reported in a tweet at the time, Dutt tried to circumvent the police roadblock by walking several kilometres across fields but the police caught her, put her in a police van, and deposited her back on the road, outside the sealed-off area.

India is ranked 142nd out of 180 countries in RSF's 2020 World Press Freedom Index.

On January 29, 2021, the villagers of Nagepur held a rally and dharna in Nagepur, Varanasi under the banner of "Lok Samiti Sanstha". Copies of new agricultural law and effigy of central government were burnt in protest and the participants demanded withdrawal of all three agricultural laws and to remove fake cases against farmers. The protest ended peacefully. After the protest, there were several newspaper and social media reports regarding this protest in the village adopted by the Prime Minister Mr. Narendra Modi. Around 9:00 pm, Mr. Nandlal was informed by an unofficial call that a FIR is being registered on him. On January 29, 2021, at 11:34 pm an FIR was registered by Mr. Parveen Kumar Mishra, Sub-Inspector, Mirzamurad police station, Varanasi, under IPC Sections 188- (disobedience to order duly promulgated by public servant); IPC 504- (intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of the peace.); IPC 270- (malignant act likely to spread infection of disease danger-ous to life); and, IPC 269 – (negli ent act likely to spread infection of disease danger-ous to life.) On February 02, 2021, Mr. Mishra and another policeman reached Nagepur with a notice which asked the above named HRDs to assist in the investigation and to appear at the summons of the court if the need arises. The names of five people are listed in the FIR but Ms. Anita's name was not in the notice. Rather, the new name is Ms. Chandramukhi, another WHRD in Nagepur, Varanasi. It is beyond comprehension, why one of the names listed in the FIR was removed from the notice and a new name is inserted in notice.

A 22-year-old Indian climate activist has been arrested after sharing a document intended to help farmers protest against new agricultural laws.

Police said Disha Ravi was a "key conspirator" in the "formulation and dissemination" of the document.

The "toolkit", which suggests ways of helping the farmers, was tweeted by prominent activist Greta Thunberg.

Activists say Ms Ravi's arrest is a clear warning to those who want to show support to anti-government protests.

Tens of thousands of farmers have been protesting for more than two months over the laws, which they say benefit only big corporations.

The new legislation loosens rules around the sale, pricing and storage of farm produce which have protected India's farmers from the free market for decades.

The farmers' protests mark the biggest challenge India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi has faced. His government has offered to suspend the laws but the farmers want them replaced altogether. What do we know about Disha Ravi's arrest?

Ms Ravi, one of the founders of the Indian branch of the Fridays for Future climate strike, was arrested by Delhi police.

In a statement posted on social media on Sunday, police said she had "collaborated" to "spread disaffection against the Indian State".

It said she was an editor of the document and had shared it with Swedish climate activist Ms Thunberg.

Officials said Ms Ravi would be held in custody for five days. No formal charges have been announced.

Police have said the toolkit suggested a conspiracy in the run up to a huge rally on 26 January, which saw protesting farmers clash with police.

"The call was to wage economic, social, cultural and regional war against India," Delhi Police Special Commissioner Praveer Ranjan said earlier this month.

"We have registered a case for spreading disaffection against the government of India - it's regarding sedition - and disharmony between groups on religious, social and cultural grounds, and criminal conspiracy to give shape to such a plan," he added.

Jairam Ramesh, a former minister and lawmaker for the opposition Congress party, called Ms Ravi's arrest and detention "completely atrocious".

The Enforcement Directorate (ED), the specialised investigation agency under the revenue department, started its raid at eight locations of the digital news portal on February 9 in response to a Delhi Police First Information Report(FIR) alleging Newsclick was involving in a money laundering operation. Police alleged Newsclick received foreign funding of ₹30 crore (USD 4.1 million) from a now “defunct US company". Raids also targeted six staff members’ residences the same night while Newsclick offices search stretched out over 38 hours. The raid at the home of editor-in-chief and founder, Prabir Purkayastha, lasted 113 hours, ending finally at 1.30 am on February 14. During the raid, ED officials blocked 73-year-old Prakayastha from leaving his house. ED officials are yet to disclose any findings from the raids.

During the raid, ED officials seized communication devices of Newclick directors and senior management which impacted their ability to continue regular work. In a statement on February 10, Newsclick said it fully cooperated with officials. It however, claims that the raid was an attempt to silence those who refuse to toe the Indian establishment line.

NewsClick revealed that staff and shareholders whose homes were raided were also questioned about their links to the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the recent farmers’ protests and jailed rights activist Gautam Navlakha. Reports suggest the raid was a retaliation for Newclick’s ground reports and analytical videos from the recent farmers’ movement in India.

Such raids are a routine tactic and practice of the Modi government, by which government agencies are used to intimidate journalists and suppress adversarial journalism. The government has a pattern of misusing laws such as sedition and defamation law, the Disaster Management Act, the draconian Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), the Information Technology Act, among others to silence the critics and harass dissidents. In October 2018, India’s Income Tax Department also raided the offices of respected news website The Quint.

The family of jailed activist Nodeep Kaur, a labour rights activist, who has been in custody for about a month for protesting against the contentious farm laws, has said they will move the High Court of Punjab and Haryana for her release. Kaur was denied bail on Wednesday, February 3, by a Sessions Court in Sonipat. A member of the Mazdoor Adhikar Sangathan, Kaur was arrested on January 12 after she had participated in the farmer's protests at Delhi's borders. Kaur has been charged under Section 307 (attempt to murder) and extortion. Kaur's family has alleged that she was assaulted by the cops when she was in custody, Scroll.in reported. "The allegations against my sister are false," Rajvir, Kaur's sister said. "Nodeep joined the [farmers'] protest at Singhu in November. She was also fighting for labourers who didn't get wages regularly. On January 12, she was protesting near a factory in Kundli when police picked her up...I met her and she told me cops assaulted her in custody," she added. Advocate Amit Shrivastav, representing Kaur in the case alleged that the activist had been thrashed by the police at the station. The police, however, have denied the allegations "being circulated on social media platforms about illegal detention and harassment." The activist was kept in the ladies' waiting room "for the entire time and was accompanied by two female police personnel for the entire duration of her stay," the police said. A medical examination which was conducted after she was arrested revealed injuries on her body and private parts. "This points to the fact that Nodeep was sexually assaulted in police custody," Kaur's lawyer alleged. The police, however, claimed that Kaur had refused a "special medical examination by a lady doctor for sexual assault, saying she does not want to be examined as she was not assaulted." The police said Kaur and other members of the Mazdoor Adhikar Sangathan were attempting to break into a factory in Kundli for "illegal extortion under the garb of workers' unpaid salaries". When the police tried to mediate, members of the Mazdoor Adhikar Sangathan attacked them and injured seven cops, the police said. Denying her bail on Wednesday, Sessions Judge YS Rathor said that there were two FIRs lodged against her. "In view of the gravity of offence, the applicant does not deserve concession of bail and bail application is dismissed," the judgement read. Kaur's arrest received international attention after Meena Harris, the niece of United States Vice President Kamala Harris took to Twitter to write about how the activist was tortured in police custody.

Thousands of farmers blocked major highways and crucial roads across the State around 170 points on Saturday afternoon as part of a national ‘chakka jam’ call given by Samyukta Kisan Morcha, a coalition of farmers’ unions protesting against the three new farm laws.

Police detained protesters at most places where roads were blocked. In Bengaluru, farmers and Kannada organisations blocked roads at two critical junctions – Yelahanka and Mysore Bank Circle – but were detained minutes later. Vehicular movement in these areas was not affected, said the police.

Farmer leader Kuraburu Shantakumar, who led the road block protest at Yelahanka, said the police detained three groups of farmers who tried to block roads one after the other. “Our only demand is that the Union government withdraw the three farm laws. But today's protest is also against how the Union government is treating farmers, booking false cases and using brute force of the police against protesters,” he said.

Farmers blocked Bengaluru-Mysuru highway at Mysuru, Mandya and Ramanagaram, Ballari Road at Devanahalli and Chikkaballapur, Bengaluru-Chennai highway at Kolar, Bengaluru-Bidar highway at Kalaburagi and Shahpura, and several key junctions on Tumakuru Road and in Belagavi, Davanagere, Raichur and Koppal, among other places. At several roadblock points, farmers came with bullock carts and cattle, and in many places even cooked on roads.

A statement from Samyukta Horata - Karnataka, a coalition of farmer, Dalit and progressive organisations, termed the protests in the State a success. They demanded that the Centre immediately stop harassing protesting farmers at the Delhi borders, and heed their demands and withdraw the three farm laws.

Meanwhile, senior Kannada activist Vatal Nagaraj condemned Karnataka Chief Minister B.S. Yediyurappa for ‘blindly following the diktat of the Centre’.

The police have filed a case against seven people, including Congress leader Shashi Tharoor and journalist Rajdeep Sardesai, for allegedly “misreporting” and “spreading disharmony” during the clashes between the police and the protesting farmers on Republic Day.

The FIR was filed on Thursday night by Gurugram Police on the basis of a complaint by Jharsa resident Pankaj Singh (34), who works with a private company. The police said the complainant has accused Tharoor, Sardesai and five other journalists of spreading “false and misleading information”.

Karan Goel, assistant commissioner of police (DLF), said that the police would probe the complaint that the suspects had spread fake news accusing the Delhi police of the murder of a person who was driving tractor during the riot in the Capital on Republic Day. “Gurugram Police has begun an investigation into the matter,” said Goel.

On Tuesday, thousands of protesting farmers had clashed with the police during the tractor rally called by farmer unions to highlight their demand for repeal of the Centre’s three farm laws.

A case under sections 120B (criminal conspiracy), 124A (sedition), 153-A (promoting enmity between different groups), 153-B (imputations, assertions prejudicial to national integration) and 505(2) (statements creating or promoting enmity) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) was registered at the Cyber police station of Gurugram.

“I filed a complaint with the Gururgam Police on Thursday and attached the social media posts from the suspects Twitter handles. I was deeply aggrieved by widespread riots on Republic Day in the national Capital,” said Singh. “I am a middle-class person with no political affiliation,” he further added.

The journalists named in the FIRs are Rajdeep Sardesai, Mrinal Pande, Vinod Jose, Zafar Agha, Paresh Nath and Anant Nath. The Editors Guild of India has condemned filing of police cases against them.

"The journalists have been specifically targeted for reporting the accounts pertaining to the death of one of the protestors on their personal social media handles as well as those of the publications they lead and represent. It must be noted that on the day of the protest and high action, several reports were emerging from eyewitnesses on the ground as well as from the police, and therefore it was only natural for journalists to report all the details as they emerged. This is in line with established norms of journalistic practice," the Editors Guild said in a statement.

The Uttar Pradesh Police on Saturday filed a first information report against The Wire’s Founding Editor Siddharth Varadarajan for tweeting an article published on the news website reporting that the farmer who was killed during a tractor rally on Republic Day had died in police firing.

The article, published on Friday, cited the family of Navreet Singh. They rejected the Delhi Police’s claims that the farmer had died after his tractor overturned. The family has alleged that the man was shot.

A case under Indian Penal Code Sections 153-B (imputations, assertions prejudicial to national-integration) and 505(2) (statements conducing to public mischief) has been filed in the state’s Rampur district. The FIR was filed on a complaint by one Sanju Turaha, a resident of Rampur district, according to The Print.

The FIR referred to Varadarajan’s tweet from Saturday in which he shared The Wire’s article. It stated that report was presented in a manner which made it seem like the doctor, who conducted the autopsy of the farmer, had confirmed that he died of a bullet injury, reported The Print.

“As a result, Rampur’s people have become resentful, and tension has increased,” it added. “This post certainly seems to be a part of a conspiracy to incite violence with the aim of making an unfair profit by harming the general public.”

In the article, Hardeep Singh Dibdiba, Navreet Singh’s grandfather, claimed that one of the doctors told him about a bullet wound. “We were told by the doctor that they have clearly seen the bullet injury, and then we cremated his body peacefully,” Dibdiba was quoted as saying by The Wire. “But we were cheated, as the [postmortem] report that came out did not say that. The doctor even told me that even though he had seen the bullet injury, he can do nothing as his hands are tied.”

However, the doctors have refuted this. The postmortem analysis, done on January 27 at 2 pm, said that the “cause of death is shock and haemorrhage as a result of ante-mortem head injury”. The Delhi Police has also claimed that this was the cause of death. The Rampur district magistrate also clarified that no other official statement was made from the side of the authorities.

The Wire’s report had included these statements by the police and doctors rejecting the family’s claims.

However, the FIR alleged that the article had wrongly quoted the government medical officer in order to “incite” the general public, reported The Print.

It said that Singh’s postmortem was conducted by three panel doctors and was duly videographed. It added that all the three doctors have denied giving any such statement to anybody. “Despite this, the tweet has not been removed yet,” the FIR stated, adding that post was intended to “disturb peace and law and order” by “intentionally posting provocative posts through social media- Twitter without knowing the right facts”. Rampur DM had tweeted the article could cause ‘law and order problem’

On Saturday evening, the Rampur district magistrate responded to Varadarajan’s tweet sharing the article. “We ardently request you to please let’s be sticking to facts and facts only,” he wrote. “We hope our request will be sincerely taken up by you.”

The district magistrate also attached a denial note by the three government medical officers who conducted the postmortem, claiming that none of them had spoken to anybody from the media, or made any statement about the autopsy.

In response, Varadarajan informed the DM that The Wire report had been updated to include the official declaration by the three doctors. To this, the DM responded, “Hope you understand your story could cause a law and order problem here. It has already caused tensed situation here. Responsibility?”

Meanwhile, Varadarajan on Sunday morning reacted to the FIR registered against him. “What’s the IPC [Indian Penal Code] provision for ‘malicious prosecution’,” he asked. “Here is the UP Police indulging in it, filing an FIR against me for tweeting about what the grandfather of farmer who was killed in the tractor parade had said on the record!”

In a separate tweet, the journalist wrote: “In UP, it is a crime for media to report statements of relatives of a dead person if they question a postmortem or police version of cause of death.”

Several states have registered cases against journalists who have reported on the death of the farmer on January 26. The Editors Guild of India has described the action as a concerted attempt to “stifle and harass” media.

The Delhi Police on Saturday became the fifth one to file a case against Congress MP Shashi Tharoor and six journalists for allegedly sharing unverified news about Singh’s death.

Besides Tharoor, the police named India Today journalist Rajdeep Sardesai, National Herald’s senior consulting editor Mrinal Pande, Qaumi Awaz editor Zafar Agha, The Caravan magazine’s editor and founder Paresh Nath, The Caravan editor Anant Nath and its executive editor Vinod K Jose.

The Uttar Pradesh Police was the first to file an FIR against the seven in Noida that includes charges of sedition, followed by a similar case filed by the police in Madhya Pradesh. Other FIRs were registered in Gurugram and Bengaluru on Friday, and in Noida on Thursday. Farm law protests

Tens of thousands of farmers have been camped on the edge of New Delhi for over two months, seeking the repeal of agricultural laws passed in September. The protests had largely been peaceful but violence erupted on January 26, when a tractor rally planned to coincide with Republic Day celebrations turned chaotic.

Some protestors broke through barricades and poured into the city, clashing with the police that tried to push them back with tear gas and a baton charge. Besides the death of one protestor, several others, including 300 Delhi Police personnel were also wounded.

The Delhi Police said on Saturday that 84 people have been arrested and 38 first information reports filed so far in connection with the violence.

Several farmer leaders, including Swaraj India President Yogendra Yadav and Bharatiya Kisan Union’s Haryana unit President Gurnam Singh Chaduni, were named in one of the FIRs filed by the police.

The police have alleged that farmer leaders made inflammatory speeches, and were involved in the violence during the tractor parade. Farmers have denied the allegations and blamed “antisocial elements” for the chaos.

Several journalists from Indian media group iTV were threatened, heckled and physically assaulted by unidentified assailants during a Republic Day tractor rally in New Delhi on January 26. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and its Indian affiliate the National Union of Journalists – India (NUJ-I) condemn the attacks.

Aishwarya Jain, Ajit Shrivastava, Priya Singh and Aditya Nair, working for the iTV-owned NewsX and India News outlets, suffered verbal abuse, pelting with stones and intimidation during the rally by members of the crowd. Jain was caught and beaten while Shrivastava was thrashed with sticks.

Thousands of farmers, protesting controversial agricultural reforms, stormed New Delhi’s historic Red Fort in a convoy of tractors, horses and foot protesters. They called for the removal new laws that will greatly reduce the earnings of small farmers and favour large corporate farms. Despite calls for a peaceful protest, demonstrators clashed with police and breached barricades, shouting slogans denouncing Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘black laws’.

The News Broadcasters Federation (NBF) condemned the attack, expressing “deep concern and anguish” at the threats to media personnel during the rally and called for the arrest of the assailants. ITV network also appealed to authorities to take action to ensure “free, fair and fearless journalism thrives in India and no journalists threatened and intimidated for simply doing their duty.”

India remains a dangerous nation for media workers with Indian journalists often targeted for their reporting on land and gang disputes. According to IFJ documentation, eight Indian journalists were killed in deliberate attacks during 2020, with many more suffering violence and abuse.

NUJ-I president, Ras Bihari, said: “In addition to the attack to journalists, many female journalists have complained of molestation and misbehavior during the protest. NUJ (I) condemns the attack and demands immediate arrest of the persons responsible for it.”

NUJ (I) said it will file complaints to the Prime Minister, the Union Home Minister and the Press Council of India regarding the misconduct.

The IFJ said: “This latest incident in New Delhi, along with the escalating frequency of journalist attacks in India, highlights the dire situation of press freedom in India. This verbal and physical assault of journalists must be met with swift prosecution of all perpetrators.”

In a social media statement, Dixit revealed that at around 9pm on January 25, an unidentified person attempted to break into her house in Delhi, fleeing when she shouted and opened the door. The incident follows a series of harassment and intimidation attempts, including threats of rape, acid attack and murder, by an unidentified group since September 2020. According to the statement, Dixit said the threats were entirely related to her role as a journalist. Several mobile numbers and different voices were used to threaten her. She further stated that the stalkers also target her partner.

Dixit received the first telephone threat in September 2020 while at a market. The unknown voice threatened, “Sabzi lay rahi hai na tu. Bada reporter banti hai. Jaan jayegi teri” (translating to “You are buying vegetables, right? You think you are a big shot reporter? You will die.”). The calls have increased in frequency, coming from different unidentified numbers. Dixit has filed a complaint with local police.

Dixit, whose stories have been published in The New York Times, Al-Jazeera, Caravan and The Wire, is known for her ground-breaking investigative stories concerning female trafficking in Assam and gender-based violence against minority women during the Muzaffarnagar riots.

A global survey by the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 2020 highlights the widespread online abuse, harassment, threats, and attacks suffered by female journalists. In accordance with these findings, there have been many instances of attempted character assassination, doxing (disclosure of personal identifying information) and even threats of physical and sexual violence against female journalists in India.

Seeking an end to house detention of National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) national convenor Richa Singh and withdrawal of notice issued to activist Ramjanam under the Goondas Act, NAPM has said in a statement that the Uttar Pradesh police’s action is “arbitrary”, underlining, “The farmers’ movement cannot be quelled by detaining activists and protestors.” Asking the Uttar Pradesh government to “stop the draconian clampdown on democratic rights” in the state, NAPM said, these incidents are part of “a broader pattern” of stifling “democratic rights of activists and leaders of farmers’ organisations across Uttar Pradesh and in other states of India”, adding, “It reflects a rising trend to suppress voices of dissent and people’s demands, contravening the Supreme Court’s stand that protest is people’s constitutional right.” National Alliance of People’s Movements is deeply agitated at the arbitrary house detention of Richa Singh, founder member of Sangtin Kisan Mazdoor Sangathan, national convenor of NAPM, and a committed activist who has been working with women, workers, dalits and farmers for three decades in Sitapur, Uttar Pradesh. The UP police have detained her since the evening of 7th Jan, without an order or appropriate explanation. Circumstances of the house detention of Richa On January 7, Richa Singh was stopped by the police, as she was joining the tractor rally in support of the farmers’ protests, in Sitapur, UP. While she was permitted to join the rally after speaking to the authorities, she was followed by two plainclothes police personnel. On the evening of the same day, she was placed under house arrest and prevented from accessing medical care in Lucknow. The Sitapur kotwal, the City Magistrate and the CO, visited her house but were unwilling to provide more than ambiguous information regarding the reasons for her detention. Lack of clarity regarding reasons for detention In spite of multiple attempts to learn the reason why she has been placed under house arrest, the authorities only indicated that, based on ‘information’ they had received, they suspected she intended to join the farmers’ protests in Delhi. The details of this information have not been shared with her, contravening Richa Singh’s civil rights to be informed of the basis for her house arrest. There also does not seem to be an order for the arrest. The authorities refused to take into account her repeated attempts to indicate that her intention was to visit a doctor in Lucknow, rather than join the farmers’ protests in Delhi. At the same time, participation in the farmers’ protests in itself could not have constituted grounds for house arrest, by any stretch of imagination. Targeted state suppression of protest All these incidents are part of a broader pattern of arbitrary detentions of democratic rights activists and leaders of farmer’s organisations across Uttar Pradesh and in other states of India. It reflects a rising trend to suppress voices of dissent and people’s demands, contravening the Supreme Court’s stand that protest is people’s constitutional right. Leaders and activists from various states, as well as members of the civil society, have been placed under house arrest and prevented from showing solidarity with the farmers’ protests from the beginning of the movement, including from holding local protests and joining the movement in Delhi. While this often takes place in the name of preventing the spread of the Coronavirus, it is in circumstances such as the present house arrest that the actual intention of the authoritarian State to clamp down on dissenting voices becomes clear.

A court in Gujarat’s Kutch district on Tuesday issued an arrest warrant against senior journalist Paranjoy Guha Thakurta in a defamation suit filed by the Adani Group.

Judicial magistrate Pradeep Soni issued a direction to the Nizamuddin police station in New Delhi, asking them to arrest Thakurta, who “stands charged with complaint under section 500 of IPC [defamation]”, according to news agency PTI.

The Adani Group had filed the defamation suit following a June 2017 article that said the Narendra Modi government tweaked rules relating to special economic zones which gave the group a “Rs 500 crore bonanza”.

Thakurta’s lawyer told PTI that they haven’t received any intimation (from the court). “This information (on arrest warrant) has come to us from media,” Anand Yagnik said.

He added said the Adani Group had withdrawn complaints against everybody but not against his client.

“The magazine (which published the article) is not responsible (for criminal defamation), the case against co-authors has been withdrawn but you don’t withdraw the complaint against [another] author,” he said. “We have moved a discharge application.”

With the pandemic affecting court hearings last year, the case filed by Adani had come up before the court on Monday and the court had said it will pass an appropriate order, he added.

The article was first published by Economic and Political Weekly on June 14, 2017, of which Thakurta was the editor-in-chief at the time. The Wire had then republished the piece on June 19, 2017.

While EPW removed the article after receiving notices from the Adani Group, The Wire contested the application for an injunction. In May 2019, the group withdrew all its cases against The Wire.

Thakurta resigned as editor of EPW after its publisher Sameeksha Trust ordered the editorial department to take the article down.

In a statement issued on Wednesday, The Wire has said:

“Paranjoy Guha Thakurta and two other authors wrote an article for the Economic and Political Weekly in 2017 on the Adani group, which was republished subsequently by The Wire.

While the Adani group had initiated both civil and criminal defamation against the three authors and The Wire in 2017, the proceedings against The Wire and its Editors were unconditionally withdrawn in 2019, as were those against two of the three authors of the article.

We are dismayed to see that the case of civil and criminal defamation against Paranjoy Guha Thakurta has not been withdrawn.

The Wire wishes to place on record its stand that the article itself is legitimate expression and not defamatory in the least.”

The Supreme Court on Friday initiated contempt proceedings against stand-up comedian Kunal Kamra and cartoonist Rachita Taneja for scandalising the court and the highest judiciary with their tweets.

A three-judge Bench of Justices Ashok Bhushan, R. Subhash Reddy and M.R. Shah issued notice asking Mr. Kamra and Ms. Taneja to show cause why they should not be punished for contempt of court.

Both Ms. Taneja and Mr. Kamra have been exempted from personal appearance in court. Usually, persons facing contempt action have to be present during the hearing.

The notice to them is returnable in six weeks.

On Thursday, the Bench had heard petitioners seeking contempt action against the duo and decided to pass its orders after a day.

The petitioners, mostly law students and lawyers, had moved the Supreme Court after getting the statutory consent for contempt action from Attorney General K.K. Venugopal.

In the case against Mr. Kamra, law student Shrirang Katneshwarkar’s counsel Nishant Katneshwarkar had submitted that the tweets by the comic were scandalous.

Mr. Katneshwarkar had given a date-wise chronology of the various tweets of the comedian.

Mr. Venugopal had consented to contempt action against Mr. Kamra, saying the tweets were grossly vulgar and obnoxious.

Mr. Kamra had refused to apologise or retract the tweets. Instead, he had tweeted that he wished to “volunteer” the time that may be allotted for hearing his contempt case to others “who have not been as lucky and privileged as I am to jump the queue”.

The AG had also found Ms. Taneja’s cartoons, which she had tweeted, scandalous with an intent to undermine the judiciary. The cartoons concern the top court’s grant of bail to Republic TV editor-in-chief Arnab Goswami.

Mr. Venugopal had, in his consent letter, said the tweets carried the “gross insinuation” that the court had “ceased to be an impartial organ of the State”.

The Kashmir Walla’s account was suspended without any possibility of appeal on 31 December following the retweeting of an article about the use of violence by Indian security forces against a religious procession in Kashmir – an article that the magazine published last August.

“The tweet attracted attention from Twitter users who we believe are part of right-wing social media cells and who may have reported the tweet en masse,” The Kashmir Walla editor Fahad Shah told RSF.

India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party has an “IT cell” (information technology cell) that is notorious for manipulating social media algorithms in order to get the accounts of critical journalists and media outlets suspended automatically. This troll army was one of the world’s 20 worst digital predators that RSF named in March 2020.

Shad added: “It is unfortunate that we – as an independent and credible news source from Kashmir – were not given a chance to respond before the restrictions were placed on our Twitter account. Moreover, Twitter hasn't responded to the appeal that we filed.”

Total opaqueness

“We call on Twitter India’s administrators to restore The Kashmir Walla’s account immediately,” said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk. “The total opaqueness surrounding the social media’s easily manipulable algorithms has been extremely prejudicial to press freedom in this case. As well as transparency, we ask Twitter to act responsibly by creating a channel through which this kind of sudden blocking can be challenged.”

In order to combat this kind of exploitation of social media algorithms by unreliable information providers, RSF has created the Journalism Trust Initiative, which is designed to give a competitive advantage to journalism that respects ethical standards – the kind of journalism to which The Kashmir Walla is committed.

India is ranked 142nd out of 180 countries in RSF's 2020 World Press Freedom Index.

On 7 January 2021, the Guwahati High Court rejected the bail plea of human rights defender, Akhil Gogoi. The defender has been in jail since 12 December 2019, in connection with a case relating to the Anti-Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests, filed by the National Investigation Agency (NIA). Since his initial arrest, multiple First Informations Reports have been booked against him, all relating to the anti CAA protests, with charges including sedition. While in detention, in July 2020, Akhil Gogoi tested positive for COVID-19 and was moved to a hospital for immediate care.

A special NIA court had previously granted bail to Akhil Gogoi in one of the cases being probed by the NIA. Currently, the defender is being detained at the Guwahati Central Jail.

Anti-caste activist Harshali Potdar was briefly arrested by Mumbai’s MRA Marg police on Monday afternoon for sharing an allegedly inflammatory Facebook post in March 2020. By evening, she was released after being made to fill out several arrest forms.

Potadar’s application for anticipatory bail in this case had been rejected by a sessions court on January 6.

The police had filed its case against Potdar on April 4, 2020, accusing her of sharing a post by a Facebook user, Mohsin Sheikh, who blamed the Central government for targeting the Muslim community and the Tablighi Jamaat group with claims that it was responsible for spreading Covid-19 in India.

The first information report claims the post appealed to Muslims to act against Brahmins, and has booked Potdar under Section 153A (1) of the Indian Penal Code, dealing with promotion of communal disharmony.

In a Facebook live video she shared after her release, Potdar denied sharing any such post. “I have given them [the police] my statement before, whenever they have asked for it – I have not shared that post,” said Potdar in the video. “But even if the police claims I have shared it, they have listed me as accused number one, and the person who wrote the post has been listed as accused number two. And the FIR also claims the post was deleted within 30 minutes.”

Potdar was arrested despite the Supreme Court itself criticising the Central government for its handling of the media coverage of the Tablighi Jamaat event. In October and November 2020, the Supreme Court pulled up the government for its inaction towards media channels that had communalised the Jamaat event. Connection to Bhima Koregaon

Potdar’s lawyer Ishrat Ali Khan also refuted these charges against her client. “She is being targeted because of her connection with the Bhima Koregaon case and because of her involvement in several protests and dharnas,” she said.

Potdar is a member of the Republican Panthers Caste Annihilation Movement, and was one of the organisers of the Elgar Parishad event that took place in Pune city on December 31, 2017 – a day before caste-based violence broke out near Bhima Koregaon in Maharashtra’s Pune district.

At least 16 activists and intellectuals have been arrested since June 2018 for allegedly conspiring to provoke the Bhima Koregaon violence. Meanwhile, no major action has been taken against two right-wing Hindutva leaders – Sambhaji Bhide and Milind Ekbote – who have also been accused of making provocative speeches before the Bhima Koregaon vioence.

Although Potdar was one of the accused in the case, she has not been arrested or charge-sheeted for it so far.

In her Facebook video on Monday, Potdar claimed her arrest was an intimidation tactic, likely because organisers of the 2017 Elgar Parishad have announced another Elgar event in Pune on January 30 in support of the 16 arrested activists.

“Through such false cases, the police is trying to spread fear among activists working in the Ambedkarite and progressive movements so that they don’t come forward to do their work,” Potdar said. “But they will not be able to silence us like this.” Unauthorised arrest

Potdar has also questioned the MRA Marg police about the manner in which she was arrested while she was in a public place. “I was eating in a restaurant with a few activist friends when four or five police officials in civil dress surrounded us and demanded that I go to the police station with them,” Potdar said in the Facebook video. The officials did not have any summons or arrest warrant, she said, and refused to tell her why they wanted to arrest her. “They also asked me to surrender my phone, which I refused to do, since they did not have a seizure panchnama.”

At the police station, she was not allowed to speak to her lawyer or activist friends, and was told about the case in which she was arrested only after making her fill up arrest forms. “At around 6.30 pm, after informing my family and lawyer that I would be in the lock-up tonight, they suddenly told me they were releasing me,” she said. “So then what was the dramatic arrest all about? Only the police can answer.”

Officials at the MRA Marg Police Station were unavailable for comment.